On December 10 2020, at 18.33, the deputy national commissioner for crime detection meticulously noted in his diary a chilling “intel call” from an unregistered number. The caller, claiming to be from the anti-gang unit, warned Mfazi of an active plot to assassinate him.

Seven months later he was dead, and the South African Police Service (SAPS) was quick to conclude he had died from Covid-19 complications.

His widow, Lindelwa “Malindi” Mfazi, never believed it. She insisted he had been murdered and that SAPS members were implicated in a cover-up.

Just 10 days after Mfazi’s burial, Lindelwa had the body exhumed after talking to national police commissioner Khehla Sitole, and toxicology tests established the presence of a poisonous substance.

In February, evidence presented by former intelligence analyst Philasande Dotyeni to parliament’s ad hoc committee investigating allegations made in 2025 by KwaZulu-Natal police commissioner Lt-Gen Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi, alerted MPs to the poisoning and the fact that no investigation had followed.

That evidence has now prompted the service to launch a murder investigation into one of the most serious allegations of senior police involvement in criminal activity.

The Sunday Times has obtained exclusive access to Mfazi’s diary and official SAPS pocketbook, both of which shed new light on his death. At the time, SAPS quickly concluded it was Covid-related, but his widow insisted he had been poisoned.

Although investigators searched his house after his death, they overlooked the diary and pocketbook in his office.

Lindelwa told the Sunday Times about her quest to secure justice for her husband, a former Umkhonto weSizwe (MK) soldier who was prepared to give his life for freedom and who, she believes, may have died defending that freedom.

Explosive primary documents — including copies of Mfazi’s personal diary, his official SAPS pocketbook and sworn affidavits from Dotyeni — suggest he he deputy national commissioner for crime detection was fighting a lonely, multifront battle against systemic state capture. Taken together, the documents map an interconnected web of high-stakes investigations that threaten to implicate some of the most powerful figures in South Africa.

At the heart of Mfazi’s final investigations was the highly sensitive crime intelligence secret services account — a multimillion-rand covert fund historically vulnerable to looting.

A pocketbook entry on November 18 2020 said Mfazi had a meeting with the office of the inspector-general of intelligence (OIGI). He noted with concern that the financial documents supplied by crime intelligence covered only the previous financial year, leaving a critical gap for the 2020/21 period.

After the meeting, Mfazi recorded an instruction to “compile a portfolio of evidence regarding the conduct of the divisional commissioner of crime intelligence”.

A protected disclosure submitted to parliament in March 2026 by Dotyeni reveals that Mfazi was quietly probing the fallout of the February 2020 burglary at President Cyril Ramaphosa’s Phala Phala farm

The relationship between the two generals had become deeply strained. A damaged handwritten note dated September 19 2020, records Mfazi discovering that a senior police officer had recorded a 38-minute telephone conversation between them. Mfazi wrote: “I want to know from Lt-Gen [name withheld] as to what informed him to record ... Who gave him the authority?”

In this battle over the secret services account arises the most explosive allegation emerges.

A protected disclosure submitted to parliament in March 2026 by Dotyeni reveals that Mfazi was quietly probing the fallout of the February 2020 burglary at President Cyril Ramaphosa’s Phala Phala farm.

Crucially, Mfazi was not investigating the theft of the foreign currency itself. According to the disclosure, his inquiry focused on allegations that crime intelligence funds and state resources were unlawfully diverted to run an off-book covert operation to track the thieves and contain the political fallout.

Because the operation was allegedly run without a registered crime administration system (CAS) docket, it would have fallen outside lawful SAPS procedures. The 2020/21 secret services account records — which Mfazi flagged as “missing” during his OIGI audit — were, according to Dotyeni the very files needed to prove the unlawful expenditure.

Mfazi’s pocketbook also exposes the scale of alleged corruption during the pandemic. On December 15 2020 he chaired an internal audit meeting reviewing emergency Covid-19 personal protective equipment (PPE) procurement.

He documented a procurement universe of R1.6bn, flagging systemic governance failures — including verbal approvals without written authorisation, payments processed without stock controls and an estimated R35m in direct irregular losses.

Mfazi noted that the audit report had been leaked and that a criminal case was opened. Crucially, he recorded that an internal supply chain contact had “received threats” linked to the audit. Mfazi immediately requested a threat assessment from deputy national commissioner Francinah Vuma.

For years, SAPS had been locked in a catastrophic legal battle with Forensic Data Analysts (FDA), a private consortium run by former police officer Keith Keating. FDA operated the property control and exhibit management (PCEM) system and the firearm permit system (FPS) — the backbone of forensic evidence management and firearm licensing in South Africa.

In a sworn 2018 affidavit, Mfazi led the state’s case, arguing that the systems had been using SAPS operational knowledge and public funds, meaning the intellectual property belonged to the state. When SAPS stopped paying what it regarded as irregular annual licensing fees, FDA switched the systems off, effectively holding police evidence hostage.

Mfazi’s diary entries from March and April 2019 show him aggressively pursuing a litigation strategy to regain control of the systems. On March 31 2019, he wrote: “Signed proposal & government order. Your appeal papers will be signed today and served tomorrow to FDA. PCEM. FPS. There were some irregularities that need to be reported.”

Sworn statements by analyst Litisha Richardson supported Mfazi’s position, alleging that SAPS had been trapped by “unending maintenance and support contracts” designed to rob the state.

Richardson stated under oath: “I reiterate that the SAPS intellectual property had been used without official permission and authority, to develop software for which the SAPS paid for and then it was sold back to the SAPS with unending maintenance, support and redevelopment contracts.”

However, SAPS lost the high court case and is now seeking relief in the Supreme Court of Appeal, with the police facing a liability of more than R1bn to FDA.

In his official pocketbook, Mfazi recorded a detailed call log dated November 22 2020, in which he meticulously captured his efforts to trace the docket relating to the circumstances of the killing of Western Cape senior detective Lt-Col Charl Kinnear.

“I called MAS [management advisory services division] Gen Lincoln enquiring about the docket on Kinnear. All he said [was] he does not know the whereabouts of this docket. He said he was told that this docket is with a certain Gen Pretorius. I asked him that can I call MAS Gen Veary. He agreed.”

Mfazi then recorded: “I called Jeremy Veary and asked him about the status of the case of the attempted grenade attack of Lt-Col Kinnear. He told me that he is not sure, he will check the docket ...”

On December 10 2020 at 18:33 Mfazi’s pocketbook records an “intel call” from an unregistered number.

The caller, claiming to be from the anti-gang unit, warned Mfazi of an active plot to assassinate him. The caller specifically named senior police officers as being involved in the conspiracy.

Mfazi documented the warning in detail with the meticulous precision of a trained intelligence officer. He reported the threat, but no effective protection was provided.

Dotyeni’s parliamentary disclosure in February confirmed the that subsequent toxicology findings and alerted MPs to the lack of action from the SAPS.

It was not just one bad actor but an elaborate cover-up. Internal anticorruption mechanisms must be strengthened

Lizette Lancaster, Institute of Security Studies researcher

Lindelwa told the Sunday Times this week: “I was already suspicious from the day they said he died from Covid. I told myself that Pitso was killed, there was foul play, but no-one wanted to listen. But I was not going to fail him because 10 days after his burial his body was exhumed and a postmortem done. It was found that indeed he was murdered.” Lindelwa told the Sunday Times this week.

According to Lindelwa, the case languished almost five years because of a lack of investigative urgency from the police service.

Institute of Security Studies (ISS) researcher Lizette Lancaster said: “What is most alarming in the Lt-Gen Mfazi matter is that files were allegedly removed from his home while his body was still upstairs, an inquest docket that vanished into headquarters, and a cause of death recorded as Covid-19. for five years. until his family forced an exhumation.

“This means that it was not just one bad actor but an elaborate cover-up. Internal anticorruption mechanisms must be strengthened, and the ISS has made recommendations on how to do this.

The killing of police officers who investigate corruption and organised crime demonstrates that the greatest threat to an honest detective could come from within their own organisation, she said.

“Critically, the country requires genuinely independent, well-resourced and physically protected investigative bodies. This will apply to current structures such as Idac [the Investigating Directorate Against Corruption] and Ipid [the Independent Police Investigative Directorate].”

Police spokesperson Brig Athlenda Mathe confirmed the murder investigation was prompted by Lindelwa approaching Sitole with allegations her husband was murdered.

She said Mfazi’s body was exhumed in the same month and subjected to toxicology tests, which identified a poisonous substance.

“The investigation which has now started is to establish whether the poison was accidentally ingested or whether there was a motive to murder him,” Mathe said.

She said investigators had since established the substance was not accidentally ingested and the matter was being treated as murder.

“The investigation is at a very sensitive and critical stage.

“There were various J51 search-and-seizure warrants at various addresses that were conducted, but no arrests have been made. The team is confident that they are on the right track.”

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Latest-model Mercedes-Benzes, BMWs, Maseratis and other luxury vehicles cruising through Cape Town’s affluent suburbs are increasingly coming under the scrutiny of the city’s law enforcement.

City authorities, politicians and industry bodies say a growing number of these high-end vehicles with fraudulent number plates and invalid registrations are being linked to suspected organised crime, exposing major gaps in South Africa’s vehicle registration and law enforcement systems.

The issue gained fresh attention after Cape Town mayor Geordin Hill-Lewis recently publicised the impounding in Parklands of several luxury vehicles that allegedly carried fake or mismatched registration details.

One vehicle, a new Mercedes-Benz GLE, was allegedly registered in official records as a white BMW and has since been seized for criminal investigation.

City of Cape Town safety and security MMC JP Smith said traffic services impounded 1,313 privately owned vehicles between January 2025 and June 2026 for various offences.

Hill-Lewis has repeatedly linked luxury vehicles with fraudulent registrations to broader criminal networks. Following recent vehicle impoundments, he said the authorities had encountered individuals claiming to be cryptocurrency or forex traders driving vehicles with fake registrations or no registration at all.

During a raid two weeks ago, Hill-Lewis questioned the driver of a luxury Mercedes-Benz who said he traded in cryptocurrency. “You’re trading in something,” the mayor told the driver. “It’s just not crypto.”

Metro police, law enforcement and traffic services deal with these cases every day, but local government does not have the investigative powers needed to dismantle the syndicates behind them

JP Smith, Cape Town safety and security MMC

Last week three Nigerian nationals were arrested after they were allegedly found driving a Mercedes-Benz displaying fake registration plates and a fraudulent licence disc.

They appeared in the Cape Town magistrate’s court this week, where the matter was postponed to July 22 for a formal bail application.

Smith said municipal law enforcement officers regularly encounter vehicles displaying fraudulent licence discs and number plates, but they lack the legal powers to investigate the criminal syndicates responsible.

“Metro police, law enforcement and traffic services deal with these cases every day, but local government does not have the investigative powers needed to dismantle the syndicates behind them,” Smith said.

He said granting municipalities investigative powers and the ability to refer cases directly to the National Prosecuting Authority would significantly strengthen efforts to combat organised crime linked to fraudulent vehicle registrations and illegal immigration. These included:

• vehicles impounded under the city’s traffic by-laws and other legislation;
• abandoned vehicles removed in terms of the National Road Traffic Act; and
• vehicles parked in a manner that obstructed or endangered other road users.

However, Smith said the city’s data does not distinguish between luxury vehicles and other privately owned cars.

A staff member at a luxury guesthouse in Sea Point, who asked not to be named, told the Sunday Times that many guests who arrive in expensive vehicles identify themselves as cryptocurrency traders. He recalled an incident in which police were called after a guest, a Nigerian national, arrived in a Maserati displaying South African registration plates.

The guesthouse employee said the incident unfolded after an altercation at the property. He said that the driver fled the scene in the luxury vehicle, then left it blocking the road and obstructing other motorists.

Police were called to the scene, where they discovered that the vehicle was not registered despite displaying South African number plates and a licence disc.

The employee said many guests driving luxury vehicles avoid travelling during the day or using major highways. He also claimed that some initially book luxury guesthouses through online accommodation platforms before securing long-term apartment rentals.

Last month the Licence Plate Association of South Africa (Laza) warned that the illegal number plate trade was flourishing. The association estimates that about 250,000 number plates are manufactured each month, with as many as 150,000, roughly 60%, produced illegally.

Fake number plates can reportedly be obtained within minutes, often without sellers asking for a driver’s licence or vehicle registration documents.

Laza president Jan de Lange told the Sunday Times the illegal manufacture and sale of number plates has become a national security concern, affecting law enforcement, road safety and the criminal justice system.

If someone is in the country illegally, how are they able to buy or rent a vehicle worth R2.6m? Investigators now need to follow the money

Nicholas Gotsell, DA MP

He said while Laza estimates that up to 60% of number plates produced in South Africa may be illegal, the figure is an informed industry estimate based on years of evidence gathered from registered manufacturers, reports of unlawful trading and observations of unregistered operators, rather than a national forensic audit.

De Lange said the absence of a national traceability system makes it difficult to accurately measure the scale of the problem but warned that fake number plates were frequently linked to stolen vehicles, fraudulent registrations and organised crime.

Laza called on the government to introduce a nationally traceable number plate system, tighten regulation of manufacturers and suppliers, require stricter verification before plates are issued and conduct regular compliance audits to prevent illegal plates from entering the market.

“Protecting the integrity of South Africa’s vehicle identification system is fundamental to public safety and effective law enforcement,” De Lange said.

In a written parliamentary reply to DA questions, trade, industry & competition minister Parks Tau said responsibility for regulating number plates rests with the department of transport, while the South African Bureau of Standards (Sabs) takes action against manufacturers that unlawfully use its certification mark.

Tau said his department, the department of transport, Sabs and Laza held three meetings between September 2025 and February 2026 to tackle the issue of illegal number plate manufacturers.

He said stakeholders agreed to strengthen enforcement against manufacturers producing substandard plates or operating without Sabs accreditation, adding that the department of transport would issue a fresh cease-and-desist notice to a manufacturer previously ordered by the Competition Commission to stop operating illegally after concerns it may still be trading.

DA MP Nicholas Gotsell said recent arrests had raised questions about how some people allegedly in the country illegally were able to acquire or rent luxury vehicles worth millions of rands.

“If someone is in the country illegally, how are they able to buy or rent a vehicle worth R2.6m? Investigators now need to follow the money,” he said.

Earlier this week, Hill-Lewis pledged that, if he is re-elected mayor in November, Cape Town would establish South Africa’s first metro police detective branch to investigate gang-related crime, illegal firearms, drugs and other organised criminal activity.

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The alcohol industry has urged the National Treasury to consider tethering new excise levies to consumer price inflation and incentivising the production of lower-strength alcoholic drinks in tax proposals aimed at curbing abuse.

The industry met with the Treasury during a virtual stakeholder engagement on Thursday, to which Business Times was granted access. The meeting discussed proposed changes to alcohol excise duties, which could raise beer excise by 20%.

Sibani Mngadi, director of corporate relations at Diageo, told Business Times after the meeting that the group welcomed the continued discussion on harmonising alcohol excise taxation based on alcohol by volume (ABV).

We are encouraged by National Treasury’s acknowledgement that the spirits category is already subject to a disproportionately high tax burden, which contributes to making it the segment that is by far the most vulnerable to illicit trade.

Sibani Mngadi, director of corporate relations at Diageo

“We are encouraged by National Treasury’s acknowledgement that the spirits category is already subject to a disproportionately high tax burden, which contributes to making it the segment that is by far the most vulnerable to illicit trade,” he said.

“As government considers broader excise reforms across the alcohol categories, we believe there’s a strong case for freezing any further excise increases on spirits. This would help promote greater equity in the tax framework while allowing time for a comprehensive review of the system.”

The duties adjustment proposals that the Treasury has been considering and consulting the industry on since November are not aimed at raising additional revenue for the fiscus but at curbing the consumption of alcohol categories that South Africans drink excessively.

Currently, excise duty on a standard 750ml bottle of spirits amounts to R97.66. Any further increase would push the tax burden beyond R100 per bottle. Mngadi said that at a time when consumers were under financial pressure, this risked rapidly accelerating the shift towards illicit alcohol.

“We believe the priority should be to establish an equitable, evidence-based excise framework that protects government revenue, supports fair competition and discourages the growth of the illicit alcohol market.”

Mpho Legote, director of VAT, excise, subnational tax and financial sector policy at the Treasury, told the meeting that in seeking to reduce excessive drinking, the proposals also looked to change formulation methods for high-volume beverages where possible, as it was complex in wine.

“From a National Treasury perspective, we use the excise duty instruments to seek to internalise social costs, but in doing that we are also looking at reducing affordability and hence consumption but also at incentivising reformulation where possible.

Read: Stiffer tax on booze looms large

“I think this was part of the proposals that we put with regards to the tier system, that we should look at incentivising reformulation… We have also considered some of the issues around what is possible and what is not possible in the wine industry because of the regulatory framework that applies to wine, but that does not exclude us from looking at the progressivity of the system.”

Legote acknowledged that excise duty was “not a silver bullet that is going to solve all the alcohol-related harms and social costs”. He said the Treasury also proposed a “progressive excise duty rate structure” to address equity issues in the current system.

David Harrison, CEO of the DG Murray Trust, said: “The anchor must be the alcohol harm curve, which is an exponential curve, and whether it’s for disease or for injury, it doubles for every 20g of alcohol consumed. So our focus, obviously, must be on the upper edge of the curve and finding ways to reduce that.”

Neo Momodu, executive for legal, regulatory, and stakeholder engagement at the Consumer Goods Council, said that if the Treasury proceeded with a tiered system, consideration should be given towards maintaining simplicity, eliminating administrative complexity and ensuring duty differentials created incentives for migration towards lower-volume alcohol products.

“Current category differentials were established through deliberate policy choices over many years. If significant changes are now contemplated, this should be accompanied by a carefully managed transition. Our assertion is, therefore, that the current differentials are the result of policy design, not policy failure.”

Carmen van Niekerk, head of regulation and policy at Heineken Beverages, said the introduction of tax treatment through an ABV bracketing approach could create unequal outcomes. She said wine could not move to a bracketing approach on the basis of the current proposals.

“Beer in the category can transition with calibrated incentives, while wine cannot, and we will continue to push the point that wine should be protected as a national asset. The UK defended traditional cider during their policy reform, and they built a set of policy principles that we believe are highly relevant to the South African wine debate.”

She said the current proposals could mean a R1.5bn-a-year loss to the wine value chain. She said incentive-based bracketing was more workable for beers, ciders and other fruit-fermented beverages due to flexible product and technology pathways.

A 20% once-off increase, or even if it’s phased in through several years, of above CPI (consumer price index) increases risks creating an affordability shock for legal volumes and will destabilise the extensive value chains that this category supports.

Carmen van Niekerk, head of regulation and policy at Heineken Beverages

“A 20% once-off increase, or even if it’s phased in through several years, of above CPI (consumer price index) increases risks creating an affordability shock for legal volumes and will destabilise the extensive value chains that this category supports.”

Van Niekerk asked that the upper end of the lowest bracket be extended to 3.5% ABV to help consumers adjust.

Morgan Schondelmeier, of the World Brewing Alliance, provided an anecdote of similar excise proposals in the UK, saying tax incentives for lower-strength products were successful in enhancing public health through a meaningful tax advantage of 50% for producers of lower ABV.

“The growth in this sector is a combination of people switching from higher-strength products to lower-strength products as they become more available and then also the creation of new products that are appealing to customers. So, this is quite a big change in incentives and in purchasing behaviour, which has led to more positive health outcomes.”

Fatsani Banda, senior manager on excise tax and public policy at South African Breweries (SAB), said the proposals exacerbate the structural issues in the excise regime and that SAB highlighted how above-inflation increases perpetuate volatility and reduce the credibility of excise adjustment anchors.

“SAB proposes that the CPI-linked adjustment framework be the status quo going forward in the excise policy. We believe that it anchors the excise adjustment to a transparent and economically grounded benchmark, that being projected inflation.

“It provides the predictability and stability that the beer industry has been asking for, for the last five or six years, that allows for investment and planning. It also preserves the real value of excise revenue without undermining the tax base.”

Prof Corne van Walbeek, director of the University of Cape Town’s research unit on the economics of excisable products, said there was an opportunity to engineer supply-side effects through reformulation of beverages, for beer, ciders and other fermented beverages. “Reformulation to lower-alcohol products is technically feasible and has been done in the past.

“There’s a good understanding of how to do that. Taxes initially might have been levied at engineering a demand response where people consume less, but it’s also possible to engineer a supply response through an increase in the excise tax.”

This applies to a lesser extent to wine and does not apply to strong liquor, Walbeek acknowledged. He said incentives could work in reducing alcohol content in some drinks in the same way that the sugar tax reduced sugar content in soft drinks.

Business Times

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The arbitrators who presided over the dispute between the Public Investment Corporation (PIC) and BEE outfit Acapulco over the valuation of the latter’s stake in Lanseria International Airport relied in part on a Wikipedia article to endorse the glaring double-counting of the property’s value — a decision that left the asset manager R400m poorer.

This astonishing claim is contained in a report prepared by professional services firm PwC, with evidence emerging on how the PIC sabotaged its own case to the benefit of Acapulco.

PwC investigators were left unimpressed by the PIC’s failure to mount a strong defence, including the asset manager not calling relevant witnesses and resorting to non-specialists to make its case.

PwC’s displeasure was also directed at the arbitrators for seemingly failing to interrogate the valuation report produced by accounting firm Crowe, which put Acapulco’s 25% stake at R1bn — R700m more than the valuation of professional services firm BDO.

“The arbitrators appear to have used a Wikipedia article stating that double-counting cannot be fully eliminated in accounting. Although the award characterised double-counting as an inherent unavoidable valuation risk, accounting and valuation guidance recognises that while double-counting can arise where DCF [discounted cash flow]-based valuations embed cash flows linked to items recognised elsewhere, this requires adjustment to avoid valuing the same economic benefit twice,” PwC said.

“Further, the engagement letter required Crowe to incorporate the property valuation without double-counting, indicating that the risk of double-counting was intended to be managed through appropriate reconciliation rather than treated as unavoidable.

“Both expert witnesses identified that the third-party rental income streams were incorporated in both the Crowe valuation of the operating entity and the Mills Fitchet [a property valuation firm that Crowe hired to assist it] property valuation.

“However, this was not Crowe’s stated position, as in the correspondence Crowe maintained that its approach did not result in double-counting. It’s unclear how this irreconcilable difference was considered in the arbitration proceedings and award.”

The award was handed down in September last year, with payment to Acapulco made the next month.

The dispute between the PIC and Acapulco arose in 2023 when Acapulco failed to repay a R333.2m loan from the PIC a decade earlier to buy a 25% stake in Lanseria.

The arbitrators appear to have used a Wikipedia article stating that double-counting cannot be fully eliminated in accounting.

PwC

Under the terms of the deal, Acapulco was expected to use reasonable commercial endeavours during the term to raise funds to refinance a portion of the capital loan amount.

The final repayment of the capital loan amount was to fall on the 10th anniversary of the first advance date.

Acapulco defaulted on the loan, which had ballooned to about R600m, including interest. The PIC then moved to take transfer of Acapulco’s shares in Lanseria.

When the valuation of the asset was contested, the PIC and Acapulco hired BDO, which put the value of Acapulco’s stake at about R238.1m — which meant Acapulco was still way short of the R600m it owed the PIC.

Dissatisfied with the decision, Acapulco cancelled BDO’s mandate — a decision the PIC strangely agreed to.

The appointment of Crowe raises red flags

Crowe Johannesburg was then hired to undertake another valuation, and its appraisal put the value of Acapulco’s at R1bn.

PwC found the appointment of Crowe troubling as the BDO engagement letter did not make room for another valuation.

Crowe was also introduced to the PIC by one of Acapulco’s directors, Fabian Jauch.

PwC found that, unlike BDO, Crowe’s requirements for being entrusted with making a valuation of Acapulco’s stake in Lanseria were less demanding.

“Unlike the extensive discussions held in respect of BDO’s appointment, we did not identify any correspondence discussing the suitability of Crowe to perform the valuation of Lanseria Holdings,” PwC said.

“Crowe was introduced to the PIC by Acapulco, and, unlike the discussions held in respect of BDO and other potential candidates, we did not identify the same level of due diligence of Crowe’s suitability to perform the valuation prior to its appointment.

“We were unable to confirm that the Crowe engagement team had prior experience in valuations of this nature. The Crowe profile obtained during the engagement describes Mr [Gary] Kartsounis [a partner at Crowe] as an audit specialist and does not include valuation-specific experience in any capacity,” PwC added.

Crowe and Kartsounios declined to share any details with PwC on the work they did and the methodologies used in arriving at the valuation.

Crowe’s number was an outlier in that it was far removed from historical valuations of the asset. Ultimately, the PIC’s view was that Crowe’s valuation inflated the value of Lanseria by about R1.7bn.

The protest of Crowe’s valuation saw the parties undertake expedited arbitration — a rushed process that PwC found weakened the PIC’s case because it went into the process with little time to prepare. Insiders have said that was by design.

The circus enters arbitration

The PIC, which stood to lose the most, did not call Crowe to give evidence at the arbitration on its evaluation, even though it claimed to contest the appraisal. Instead, the PIC turned to PSG Capital, with its then-senior employee Siyabonga Shandu as the expert witness put forward to contest the Crowe valuation.

PwC was highly critical of Shandu’s performance as a witness. The professional services firm concluded that the PSG report did not address the fundamental question of whether there was manifest error in the Crowe valuation.

“Mr Shandu’s oral testimony and the PSG report did not engage with or provide rebuttals to Crowe’s explanations on the technical aspects of the valuation that were disputed by the PIC,” PwC noted in its report dated May 18.

Read: How PIC officials dropped the ball in R400m payout for Lanseria

“In consultation with Mr Shandu on January 30 2026, Mr Shandu informed us that he had not testified prior to this engagement and his mandate did not include reviewing the Crowe draft valuation report.”

“PSG’s mandate required an assessment of whether the Crowe valuation contained a manifest error. However, neither PSG’s report nor Mr Shandu’s oral testimony addressed this requirement in a manner consistent with that mandate.

“Mr Shandu’s admission during testimony that he did not know the meaning of “manifest error” raises concern as to how PSG and Mr Shandu had been briefed, given that an expert cannot properly discharge a mandate grounded in a requirement they do not understand.”

PSG defended its report and Shandu’s expertise. Shandu has since left the company

“As we have not seen PwC’s report or other review documents, it is difficult to comment further on this statement, save to note that Mr Shandu has extensive valuation experience, qualifying him to be an expert in these matters,” PSG Capital CEO Henning de Kock told Business Times.

“As it is a confidential document, we cannot comment on the PSG Capital valuation report, save to note that it clearly identified a number of material issues impacting the Crowe valuation, resulting in a substantially lower valuation being arrived at by PSG Capital. Our report and findings in this regard, including as to manifest error, were dealt with in detail during Mr Shandu’s testimony during the arbitration hearing.”

PwC identified the then PIC chief investment officer, Kabelo Rikhotso, who parted ways with the group in March following five months on suspension; his chief of staff, Thando Mziba; the acting head of legal, Bothwell Hlahla; and the acting head of investment, Lindiwe Dlamini, as key players in the Acapulco transaction.

However, none of them assumed any responsibility for the fallout over the transaction.

“When questioned, each of these key role players either expressly denied making or instructing these decisions, or indicated that their role was limited to providing input or executing instructions received from others,” the PIC report reads.

“Although per the governance frameworks, Mr Rikhotso was allocated overall responsibility, the findings reflect that he is notably absent from the documented decision-making process and was not available for consultation with us.”

The chair of the arbitration, Thomas Bokaba SC, had not responded to requests for comment at the time of publication. Acapulco’s Kagiso Matjila declined to assist PwC in its probe. The PwC report was commissioned by PIC CEO Patrick Dlamini, who was placed on suspension this week as the fallout from the transaction deepens.

Business Times

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Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga continues to raise the bar on ethical conduct and accountability, particularly among senior public officials.

This week was no different.

The chairperson of the commission probing allegations of corruption and abuse of power, wittingly or otherwise, effectively challenged elements of both the medical profession and government to look themselves in the mirror.

Madlanga’s frustration was prompted by the conduct of advocate Andrea Johnson, head of the Investigating Directorate Against Corruption (Idac).

Shortly before she was due to appear on Monday morning, Johnson was reportedly rushed to hospital with an undisclosed medical condition.

No one disputes that witnesses can fall ill. What irked Madlanga was the poor quality of the medical certificate Johnson’s medical team submitted to the commission that is probing serious allegations of corruption within the criminal justice system.

Madlanga was also unimpressed because this appeared to be consistent with a pattern of submitting sick notes before the commission at the eleventh hour that are scant on detail.

Witnesses implicated in serious crime allegations include Brown Mogotsi and North-West businessman Suliman Carrim, as well as senior cop Feroz Khan, who are among the nine that have done so since the inception of the commission.

Johnson, among other reasons, had been scheduled to testify before the commission over allegations that she had shared confidential Idac information for alleged nefarious reasons.

It’s not even a case of a confidentiality issue. It is one of the useless so-called medical certificates

Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga

“I notice that this is one of those medical certificates, the nature of which I previously said is useless, in the sense that they give no information whatsoever,” charged Madlanga after the sick note was tabled by representatives of the NPA.

“It’s not even a case of a confidentiality issue. It is one of the useless so-called medical certificates. The bottom line is that advocate Johnson is not here,” he said.

The issue has sparked an important debate about the right to medical privacy in the context of public accountability, particularly before a high-profile commission where the stakes are significant and personal security concerns may arise.

But Madlanga has not sought to invade anyone’s right to privacy.

He is simply asking those seeking sick leave from him to be more transparent and forthright with his commission, in the context of maintaining the right to keep medical conditions private.

In doing so, he has sought to strike the correct balance between individuals’ rights and upholding public accountability.

This is to be welcomed, as one should not trump the other.

Madlanga’s tough stance on these matters was vindicated by Thursday, when it emerged that Carrim, who had supposedly been in his sick bay, had been spotted gallivanting at a mall in the Western Cape.

Vague, undetailed medical certificates submitted by highly paid government officials, trusted with public safety, to a commission of the standing of Madlanga’s, simply do not make the cut.

They only raise suspicions of tactical delays or efforts to Stalingrad the commission until its last day, which Madlanga is correct to not allow.

After all, Madlanga is operating under a tight deadline to submit its final report, which last week was extended by President Cyril Ramaphosa from August to November, with the evidence deadline set for October 2.

Those regulating the medical profession and their ethical bodies ought to reflect on this debate and come up with measures to curb the abuse of doctor-patient confidentiality.

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The murder of SA Communist Party and ANC leader Chris Hani by those intent on halting the country’s historic transition from apartheid stands, more than any other incident of its time, as the one event that nearly pushed SA over the abyss.

The killing of Hani, one of the liberation movement’s most popular leaders, unleashed deep shock and outrage among most South Africans and his followers. The consensus is that at that crucial juncture of SA’s history, it was the voice of Nelson Mandela that served to calm tensions, redirecting the anger away from a catastrophic outbreak of civil conflict. The situation was made more combustible by the fact that Hani had been shot by a white person.

Yet Mandela, instead of doing the populist thing by fanning the flames, called for restraint. No one, he warned, should respond to the murder in a “rash and irresponsible” manner. Without yet being the president of the country at the time, his presidential intervention was born of concern not only for a section of a racially divided population, but for the long-term welfare of the country and all its citizens.

Calling Hani’s killing “a crime against a dearly beloved son of our land… loved by millions”, Mandela pointed out that it was Hani’s white neighbour who had given police crucial information that led to the white perpetrator’s arrest.

In large part it was his style of leadership — combining unbending commitment to principle with deep compassion for others — which fed into his status as a national and global icon, resulting in a temptation to view him as a kind of political superman, which he wasn’t.

He was more a product of his time and the broad tapestry of beliefs that made up the SA liberation movement, ranging from the Congress to the Black Consciousness and Pan-Africanist traditions. All of which had one common aim — to end the oppression of a black majority by a white minority, and to make SA a home for all its people, where all would be treated equally and fairly — irrespective of their race or gender.

It may be that with the passage of time, our memories of where we come from and the pledge we made at the establishment of the new republic in 1994 have faded

As we commemorate Mandela Day on his birthday this weekend, it would be apt to ask: what is his meaning for South Africa today? And what is the relevance of the values he stood for, from which we have begun to drift over the past three decades of democracy?

While Mandela sought to build one unitary SA, with one flag and national anthem, we have increasingly seen the re-emergence of racial and ethnic mobilisation, the culmination of which would be the manifestation, ironically, of the Verwoerdian and colonial dream of so-called separate development — which the victims always knew was nothing of the sort — and the carving up of the country into racial and tribal enclaves.

And, equally importantly, where the nation’s founding president spoke out against the poverty that ravaged the lives of the majority of citizens, SA today remains a most unequal society. Destitution and its main driver, unemployment, have been all but normalised while we turn a blind eye to the reality that nearly half of our youth remain jobless, despite the obvious socio-political consequences.

It would be apposite to reflect on the quality of leadership Mandela provided, not only at Hani’s death but more broadly as a leader of our country. Today, when so many political leaders are prone to choose the easy way out by pandering to their followers’ sectarian and exclusive interests, thereby exacerbating divisions, who speaks with Mandela’s authority and inclusivity? Also, we must ask why leaders in various walks of life, who wield significant influence in the religious, business and cultural spheres among others, have mysteriously abdicated their national leadership responsibility to care about the collective well-being of South Africans and to address the problems facing the country today.

In his inauguration speech 32 years ago, Mandela committed us to work for national reconciliation and unity, and also to “tackle the challenges of building peace, prosperity, non-sexism, non-racialism and democracy”. Fellow citizens, he said, must be freed from “the bondage of poverty, deprivation, suffering, gender and other discrimination”.

Indeed, we observe Mandela Day in an attempt to commemorate the man. And it’s all well and good to stop and do acts of charity, such as handing out food and blankets to the needy. But to properly and meaningfully honour Mandela’s legacy, we must promote the fundamental values he stood for, not only once a year on July 18 but throughout the year — in every field of endeavour.

Stopping for one day to help someone less fortunate may very well imbue us with the feel-good factor. But that would be more symbolic than transformative — akin to embracing the disadvantaged for 67 minutes out of 365 days, then keeping them at arm’s length for the rest of the time. For one thing, it will not resolve their state of poverty. For another, it won’t banish their ever-present hunger.

It may be that with the passage of time, our memories of where we come from and the pledge we made at the establishment of the new republic in 1994 have faded. Which makes it imperative that we take care not to jettison our founding values and principles, as espoused by Mandela and embedded in the constitution, but to address with greater intent the national task of ending inequality and privation in our society. To end, too, the blight of gender-based violence and make ours a more just society.

But what he has enjoyed most has been the American commentary on the games. There was that US TV presenter who told his audience that one of the records being made at the games was that the country was the first World Cup host to “bomb a country we are hosting”. He was referring to the Orange One’s decision to resume the bombing of Iran while the Iranian team was in the US for the games.

Then there was the commentator who told a Fox News host that Fifa should change the rules so that “if America has had to invade your country to liberate you in the last 100 years, then we should get a one-goal advantage”.

Hogarth thinks even if that were to happen, the US would still not win a World Cup final.

Maybe just stick to golf?

Four weeks of the World Cup have made even Donald Trump believe that he knows a thing or two about the game of billions and its tactics. The Orange One was scathing in his criticism of the defensive tactics adopted by England coach Thomas Tuchel in the semifinal against Argentina.

Trump complained specifically about how his favourite English striker and part-time golfer, Harry Kane, was used in the game: “Harry, who has been fantastic, I think perhaps they made a mistake when they made him a defensive player … They took the lead and they took their best player and put him on defence. But what do I know about coaching? I thought that was a bit unusual."

When a journalist asked Tuchel what he thought of what Trump had said, he retorted: “Do you use Donald Trump as a witness for your case?” The reporter was on the back foot.

Losing the match but keeping the islands

The English weren’t as upset with Tuchel’s cowardly approach to football as they were at the Argentinians for celebrating their victory by hoisting a politically charged banner declaring the much-disputed Falkland Islands as belonging to the Latin American country and not England.

When a spokesperson for the outgoing UK prime minister, Keir Starmer, was asked to comment about the incident, he said: “The World Cup might not be ours, but the Falklands is definitely ours.” Asked who the prime minister thought should win tonight’s final between Argentina and Spain, the spokesman responded: “The prime minister wishes both teams well for the final, especially Spain.”

Another day, another one for the sick bay

Meanwhile, back here at home, the Madlanga commission continued to be as captivating as the World Cup. The week started with what has become known as “inquirilitis” claiming another victim. This time it was advocate Andrea Johnson, head of the Investigating Directorate Against Corruption (Idac), who apparently suddenly fell ill on her way to testify before the commission.

As the commissioners were still trying to understand the story, they were told that another witness, Suliman Carrim — who had been too sick to tell the commission who the auditors of his business were — had been spotted in Cape Town braving those freezing Woollies fridges for some quick shopping.

At this rate, the commission might have to move to a hospital so it can cater for all the witnesses who promptly fall ill when their names are called.

The art of saying ‘noted’ for three days

With his boss a no-show, it was left to Idac investigator Brian Padayachee to explain to the commission why what seemed like a minor HR department issue ended up being the focus of the top investigative unit.

Hogarth salutes Padayachee for having the stomach to face the commissioners for three straight days without getting an urge to find himself a doctor’s note. However, Hogarth does not believe Padayachee did himself any favours by answering to some of the most difficult questions with a simple “noted”.

A lunchtime showstopper

Also appearing at the commission this week was Warrant Officer Mbongeleni Mpangase, who requested the assistance of an interpreter to give his evidence. And the Zulu interpreter, Vusi Nkabinde, stole the show with his animated performance.

At one stage, Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga announced that the commission was adjourning for lunch, and Nkabinde translated this into isiZulu as “Awuthi siyodla ndoda”, which means “Let’s go eat, my man.”

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South Africa is once again confronting one of the most difficult and emotionally charged policy questions of our democratic era: migration.

The debate is unfolding amid deep social and economic strain. Unemployment remains extraordinarily high. Inequality continues to define daily life for millions. Public services are under pressure, local economies are uneven, and communities increasingly feel anxious about opportunity, safety and belonging. In this environment, migration has become a focal point for wider frustrations about governance, economic insecurity and social cohesion.

But migration cannot be reduced to a slogan, a scapegoat or a single-issue political argument. It is a complex structural reality that intersects with labour markets, border management, regional development, public services, documentation systems, trade, law enforcement and continental co-operation. It is a profoundly human issue involving families, livelihoods, dignity and survival.

For that reason, the migration question demands careful reflection rather than simplistic conclusions.

As the Kgalema Motlanthe Foundation, sponsored by MTN, prepares to convene its July 23 dialogue under the theme “Continent and Migration”, the intention is not to impose predetermined answers but to create a platform for thoughtful engagement and constructive dialogue. It aims to create a space where policymakers, government and business leaders, civil society organisations, academics and communities can engage honestly with a matter that affects the future of South Africa and the continent.

South Africa’s relationship with migration did not begin in the present moment. Movement across provinces, communities and borders has shaped the country’s economic and social history for generations. The growth of the mining economy, in particular, depended heavily on migrant labour, a reminder that migration has long been embedded in the region’s economic life.

Across Africa more broadly, mobility has always formed part of trade, education, family life and economic survival. It depends heavily on governance systems, public trust and the quality of co-operation between states.

This is why the migration debate must ultimately become a governance debate. The real question is whether institutions are capable of managing migration effectively, lawfully and humanely. That requires competent administration, credible documentation systems, effective border management, reliable data, co-ordinated law enforcement and responsive public services. It also requires political leadership capable of balancing constitutional obligations with legitimate public concerns.

In moments of uncertainty, societies reveal their political maturity not by avoiding difficult conversations, but by engaging them with honesty, restraint and humanity.

Any sustainable approach to migration must uphold legality while resisting the temptation to dehumanise vulnerable people or inflame social divisions.

At the same time, it is equally important to acknowledge that many communities experience migration through the pressures they encounter daily: overcrowded clinics, strained schools, competition for jobs and perceptions of uneven enforcement of the law. Ignoring these realities weakens public trust and deepens polarisation. Productive dialogue requires these anxieties to be taken seriously.

The challenge before South Africa is twofold: to maintain constitutional integrity while strengthening state capacity, public confidence and growing prosperity.

Migration is not a domestic issue and affects every African economy. It is increasingly tied to continental questions of development, trade, investment and regional integration. The African Continental Free Trade Area, alongside broader African Union development initiatives, reflects a recognition that mobility and economic integration are connected.

Yet integration cannot succeed without governance. Countries of origin, transit and destination all carry responsibilities. Regional co-operation on documentation, mobility, border systems and economic development will become increasingly important as Africa’s economies and populations evolve.

The dialogue will consider the lived realities of migration itself — the experiences of citizens, migrants, workers, families, employers, local authorities and civil society organisations. These perspectives matter because migration is not experienced in the abstract. It is encountered in workplaces, neighbourhoods, schools, transport systems, local economies and in families.

Importantly, the purpose of such engagement is not to produce instant consensus. Democratic societies rarely resolve difficult questions through uniformity of opinion. Progress often begins instead with the willingness to listen, confront complexity honestly and resist polarisation.

South Africa has faced difficult national questions before. Its history demonstrates that dialogue, however imperfect, has often provided a path away from division and towards institutional reform.

The migration question will not disappear. Demographic pressures, economic inequality, climate disruption, conflict and uneven development across regions mean that human mobility is likely to remain a defining feature of the 21st century. The task, therefore, is not to pretend migration can simply be wished away. The task is to govern it responsibly.

The forthcoming Kgalema Motlanthe Foundation seminar is ultimately an invitation to undertake that work seriously: to reflect on migration not only as a security or administrative issue, but also as a question of governance, development, social cohesion and Africa’s shared future.

In moments of uncertainty, societies reveal their political maturity not by avoiding difficult conversations, but by engaging them with honesty, restraint and humanity.

• The foundation’s annual Winter Seminar is in Sandton on Thursday July 23. The publication of this article coincides with the birthday of the foundation’s patron, former president Kgalema Motlanthe

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We should all thank finance minister Enoch Godongwana for cracking the whip and loudly demanding financial accountability from municipalities. For too long they have squandered public money, even as the services they deliver have deteriorated despite staff numbers rising exponentially.

It is all very well for MPs to haul the minister before a joint committee to explain, as they did this week, when those same MPs have failed to bring councils into line despite years of damning reports from the auditor-general. The most recent, for 2024/25, found that only 39 municipalities — or 15% of the total — received clean audits, while 84 showed “disregard for legislation and a lack of consequence management”.

Godongwana has chosen the national government’s “equitable share”, paid to municipalities, as the lever in his battle against financial delinquency. Top of the list is Joburg, whose R3.5bn is being withheld pending negotiations with the National Treasury over its unfunded budget.

Sixty-nine municipalities have been targeted for three main infractions:

• unfunded budgets;
• failure to meet statutory obligations to Sars, Eskom and pension funds; and
• fruitless and wasteful expenditure of R24bn, irregular expenditure of R145bn, and unauthorised expenditure of R118bn since 2021.

Godongwana has warned they will have to make “painful adjustments” as the government moves to introduce “ring-fencing”, under which revenue raised may not be used for any other purpose.

The South African Local Government Association has warned that Godongwana’s actions could compromise service delivery. Yet the Treasury has set out clear steps municipalities must take to get themselves off the blacklist.

If they won’t get their houses in order, they will find themselves facing a Treasury that is holding the line against the sort of extravagance the country can hardly afford.

The latest RMB/BER Business Confidence Index shows confidence weakening, with businesses concerned about growth prospects, geopolitical uncertainty and the broader operating environment. Yet some of the country’s biggest companies continue to produce strong results.

Shoprite grew revenue to R138.9bn in its latest interim period, continued to gain market share, opened a net 273 stores and created more than 1,700 jobs. Vodacom reported revenue of R167.6bn and now serves more than 237-million customers across Africa. Standard Bank delivered headline earnings of R49.2bn and a return on equity of 19.3%.

There is nothing unusual about companies performing differently within the same economy. Some execute better than others, make stronger decisions or occupy more favourable market positions. Yet these differences alone do not explain why some leaders consistently navigate prolonged uncertainty with greater clarity than others facing many of the same external conditions.

While strategy, capital allocation, operational discipline and talent all contribute to organisational performance, my doctoral research pointed consistently to another factor: the way leadership capability develops long before executive responsibility.

Over several years I interviewed entrepreneurial leaders in South Africa and New Zealand to understand how they experienced uncertainty, responsibility and decision-making. The original aim was straightforward enough; to understand what helped some leaders navigate uncertainty more effectively than others.

While strategy featured prominently, so did formative life experiences. Participants described financial hardship, family disruption, relocation and, in one South African case, returning home after a forced removal under apartheid to find the family’s possessions piled on the pavement.

More revealing than the events themselves was the way participants interpreted them years later. There was remarkably little bitterness. Very few blamed circumstances and most spoke about responsibility.

Adversity does not automatically create stronger leaders, but some individuals consistently transform difficult experiences into enduring leadership capability

One pattern surfaced repeatedly across interviews and across countries: if something needed to happen, they believed it was ultimately their responsibility to make it happen.

During Covid, when uncertainty was at its highest, many of these leaders focused first on protecting employees, customers and suppliers. Several took significant personal financial risks to keep businesses operating. They were not free from uncertainty; they had developed the capacity to make decisions despite it.

I came to describe this pattern as “adversity thrivers” — not because adversity automatically creates stronger leaders, but because some people consistently transform difficult experiences into enduring leadership capability. Accountability, long-term thinking and decisive action under pressure emerged with striking consistency.

These qualities are not unique to entrepreneurs, nor are they difficult to recognise in today’s corporate environment.

Standard Bank CEO Sim Tshabalala has spoken openly about growing up in Soweto during apartheid and the influence those experiences had on his outlook and leadership philosophy. FirstRand CEO Mary Vilakazi’s journey from Alexandra township to the leadership of one of Africa’s largest financial institutions is equally well known.

Their stories are significant not because they involve hardship — South Africa has many such stories — but because they demonstrate that personal experience continues to influence executive judgment decades later.

It is no coincidence that resilience, adaptability and leadership capability now feature prominently in both integrated reports and global leadership research. These are no longer viewed as “soft skills”, but as strategic capabilities because they shape judgment, influence organisational performance and determine how leaders respond when the future is uncertain.

This shift is reflected in the reporting of many leading South African companies. Standard Bank’s leadership commentary emphasises performance in volatile conditions, while Vodacom identifies resilience, adaptability and culture as strategic priorities.

None of this suggests that leadership alone explains business performance. Shoprite’s market share gains, Vodacom’s expansion across Africa and Standard Bank’s earnings growth are the product of strategy, execution, investment discipline and thousands of operational decisions.

Leadership, however, influences the quality of every one of those decisions.

Across the doctoral research interviews conducted in both countries, one conclusion emerged consistently: many of the leaders who navigated uncertainty most effectively had been developing judgment, responsibility and resilience long before they were responsible for organisations, balance sheets or shareholder returns.

As business conditions become more complex, understanding where leadership capability develops becomes increasingly relevant. The strongest organisations will always require sound strategy and disciplined execution.

They will also require leaders capable of making sound decisions when the future is unclear. In that context, the experiences that shape leaders long before they reach executive office deserve greater attention than they currently receive.

After years of being unable to speak clearly, express his emotions or chew normally, Eugene Sedibe is now waiting for a nerve taken from his left thigh and implanted into his face to heal and grow — a process that can take several months.

The 10-hour facial reanimation procedure was performed in March.

His mother, Monica Sedibe, has walked every step of the journey with him, supporting and encouraging him through the challenges they have faced since his birth on June 29 2013.

“Eugene was born with two club feet, so when he was just three days old they started with cement casts and the process of straightening out his feet. At that stage we didn’t know anything else was wrong, just that he was a very quiet and peaceful baby that didn’t cry a lot,” she said.

When she took him for his six-week immunisation, a clinic nurse alerted her that something might be wrong. While other babies wailed loudly after receiving their injections, Eugene barely cried.

It was a year later, after numerous visits to doctors, that Eugene was diagnosed with Moebius syndrome, a rare neurological condition that affects facial movement and expression.

It meant he could not blink properly or keep his mouth closed while chewing and — most significantly — he was unable to cry normally, speak clearly or smile.

“It didn’t matter very much when he was little, because the only time it was noticeable was when he cried or smiled. And we just encouraged him, and he adapted to the condition in his own way,” Monica said.

“But when he started nursery school, the ways that he was different became more apparent. When he was seven, his sister was born and he started to ask questions, wanting to know why he couldn’t smile and why he was different.

“I always wanted him to see himself as normal, so it was quite a challenge to stay strong and encouraging. When other kids were nasty, I would tell him not to listen, that he is not different. It was a time when he learnt a lot about himself.”

As Eugene grew older and entered puberty, he became increasingly aware of his condition. A serious child, wise beyond his years, he attended a special school where he received support with his speech and eating. He also began talking about his wish for “a normal mouth”.

I would tell him that he’s a big boy who should never lose hope, because he is my special boy and we were on a journey together

Monica Sedibe, mother

“His dad was not around much, so it was hard when he started asking questions like, ‘I know that I am growing hair in my armpits; does it mean I am a man?’ I would tell him that he’s a big boy who should never lose hope, because he is my special boy and we were on a journey together.”

By then, Eugene was being treated at Steve Biko Academic Hospital in Pretoria, where his mother was put in touch with the Smile Foundation.

The organisation helped transfer him to Wits Donald Gordon Medical Centre (WDGMC) in Johannesburg, where plastic and reconstructive surgeon Dimitri Liakos identified him as a candidate for highly specialised reconstructive surgery that could improve not only his appearance but also his facial movement, function, dignity and quality of life.

Initially Eugene was not enthusiastic. Having spent much of his life in hospitals, he associated doctors and nurses with needles, pain and discomfort.

“When I was told that Eugene was going to be the first child to undergo the surgery, I was quite excited. But it took time for me to mentally prepare him for what was going to be a big operation,” Monica said.

She booked herself into a hotel for a week before taking Eugene to the hospital for surgery on March 18. At 8am, Eugene was wheeled into theatre, where a large team of doctors and nurses was waiting.

“I sat with him until he fell asleep. It was scary to watch him lose consciousness and then have to leave him.”

The procedure was lengthy and highly complex. Often misunderstood as primarily cosmetic, reconstructive microsurgery combines surgical precision, innovation and long-term rehabilitation.

In Eugene’s case, surgeons transferred functioning muscle, together with its blood and nerve supply, from his left thigh to the immobile side of his face. The muscle was connected to nerves under a microscope in a way that allows it to gradually knit together and, over time, restore movement.

“To do these cases successfully, you need a dedicated team and an environment that functions seamlessly,” said Liakos, who leads this work at WDGMC. “Microsurgery is never a one-person effort. It is the nursing staff, anaesthetists, theatre teams and systems around you that make these outcomes possible.”

For now, Eugene is back home in Limpopo, continuing his recovery. His speech is still unclear, but his new nerves and muscles are healing. Progress is slow, and it will take months before doctors know how successful the surgery has been and whether further procedures will be needed.

“We had to wait until Eugene was grown enough to undergo the surgery, so we are used to being patient and trusting our doctors,” said Monica.

“We haven’t yet seen any visible changes, but Eugene is doing his exercises every day and chewing on wooden ice-cream sticks to wake up the nerves and teach them to move. One day we’re hoping he will be able to pull his mouth back and smile.”

I write to you as a resident of Johannesburg who can no longer remain silent while our once-great city collapses into ruin. The City of Johannesburg’s website proudly proclaims: “Joburg — a world-class African city." That may have been true 20 years ago. Sadly, it no longer is.

On Saturday July 4, my wife and I sat in the relative comfort of a bus ferrying supporters to a world-class rugby match between the Springboks and England at Ellis Park. Yet as we travelled through the suburbs surrounding the stadium, the horror of the real Johannesburg unfolded before our eyes.

Even President Cyril Ramaphosa expressed his displeasure in March 2025 at the visible decay of the city centre. Given how often he appears to be shocked by events in this country, he must be even more shocked just over a year later.

In response, you appointed a much-publicised “bomb squad” — a multidisciplinary, volunteer advisory team supposedly tasked with accelerating service delivery, tackling crime and cutting red tape. Yet by all appearances, your bomb squad detonated and demolished rather than rebuilt.

Under the ANC, the “world-class African city” has been reduced to a world-class cesspool of filth, destruction and decay — with an overwhelming stench of rot that now defines both our streets and your administration.

This collapse is neither an accidental misfortune nor a temporary setback. It is the predictable outcome of years of political mismanagement, cadre deployment and systematic plunder by your comrades, cadres and connected cohorts

The evidence is inescapable. In neighbourhoods like those around Ellis Park and across our suburbs and townships, Pikitup routinely fails to honour its basic weekly refuse-collection schedule. Bins overflow for weeks, rubbish piles up in heaps and the foul odour of decaying waste permeates the air.

The Johannesburg Roads Agency has failed us, as potholes have become the norm rather than the exception — deep, tyre- and car-damaging craters that turn every road into an obstacle course and a hazard.

Precious water leaks endlessly from burst pipes while residents face shortages with Johannesburg Water in charge. Meanwhile, City Power has allowed Johannesburg’s electrical infrastructure to deteriorate at a blistering pace, with frequent outages, collapsing substations and cable theft plunging entire neighbourhoods into darkness on a regular basis.

Municipal teams dig up roads and expose pipes for repairs, only to abandon the sites for weeks or even months. Open trenches remain unfenced and unmarked, creating deadly hazards for drivers and pedestrians. These are yet another symbol of a city where even the most basic maintenance descends into chaos and neglect. And you are the political leader reigning over this mess.

Our once-proud parks and green spaces stand dilapidated, with City Parks as the responsible entity: overgrown with weeds, vandalised, littered with refuse and stripped of any semblance of beauty or safety.

You are the mayor of this city, and this collapse is neither an accidental misfortune nor a temporary setback. It is the predictable outcome of years of political mismanagement, cadre deployment and systematic plunder by your comrades, cadres and connected cohorts.

The physical filth choking our city is merely the outward symptom of the deeper moral and administrative rot within the City of Johannesburg

All of the above-mentioned entities fall directly under your control, yet instead of fulfilling their mandates to deliver basic services, they have been reduced to vehicles for employing cadres, advancing political loyalty and enabling large-scale plunder.

To add insult to injury, the National Treasury last Tuesday invoked emergency constitutional powers and withheld the July grant payments to more than 60 municipalities, including the City of Johannesburg. After years of offering guidance, training and repeated warnings, the Treasury has now been forced to act — a damning indictment of your leadership.

The physical filth choking our city is merely the outward symptom of the deeper moral and administrative rot within the City of Johannesburg. You and your allies have squandered the goodwill of ordinary residents — the ratepayers, workers, families and business owners — who continued to believe, pay their bills and endure in the hope of better days. That patience is now exhausted.

On November 4 this country holds local government elections. As Oliver Cromwell declared to a failed and self-serving English parliament in 1653: “You have sat too long here for any good you have been doing … In the name of God, go!”

Mr Mayor, the time for speeches, excuses, coalition games and empty promises is over. If your party does not remove you soon, the voters of Johannesburg and its fed-up residents most certainly will.

This is not written from a place of privilege, nor from a so-called “white perspective” or colonial mindset — accusations routinely used to deflect legitimate criticism and shift blame. It is written from a place of deep concern and heartfelt observation of what has become of our city and how this decline painfully affects every resident — black and white, rich and poor — who calls Johannesburg home.

• Bosman is chief secretary of the Afrikanerbond but writes in his personal capacity as a concerned resident

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Twins Georgia and Olivia Nel jet off to the Commonwealth Games in Glasgow tomorrow ready to script a fairytale ending to the painful saga endured by their superstar mother 40 years ago.

The two, who turn 24 on Thursday, are part of a powerful South African swimming contingent at this year’s showpiece that runs from Thursday to August 2.

Cheering them on from the stands will be Annette Cowley-Nel, who was denied the chance to race at this year’s showpiece in Edinburgh in 1986, which was held over the exact same dates as this year’s edition.

To compete internationally during the sports boycotts of South Africa, she found an ancestral link to England, as runner Zola Budd did.

Cowley-Nel won selection at the English trials, but the day before she was due to compete she was ruled ineligible and marched out the athletes’ village under guard.

Political firestorm

Cowley-Nel, whose entry time in the 100m freestyle would have won gold, was ousted by a Commonwealth Games Federation rule requiring competitors switching allegiance to be resident in their new country for a year.

But it was more than a technicality, with the 19-year-old being thrust into a highly publicised political firestorm as more than half the Commonwealth nations boycotted those Games because of Britain’s strong ties with South Africa at the time.

“No family or anything there at all, I was just there on my own dealing with it,” recalled Cowley-Nel, a University of Texas student at the time.

Even though it’s not me doing it, to have not one but twin daughters being there to compete is just very special. It’s just a very unique closing of an open circle

Annette Cowley-Nel, retired swimmer

The experience scarred her to the point that when she returned to Britain a year later for the world championship trials, she purposely swam slowly to avoid a possible repeat.

Even Budd, who had been allowed to compete at the 1984 Olympics because its eligibility rules centred on citizenship rather than residency, focused on the 1986 European athletics championships, skipping the Edinburgh fiasco altogether.

Gift given back

“It never had a sense of closure for me,” said Cowley-Nel, who is making the trip with husband Jeremy.

“I parked it, I sort of put it aside because I don’t want to dwell on anything negative. And for me this [2026] is just so positive and happy and it’s almost like a gift that I’ve been given … it was taken away, but it’s been given back in double.”

The significance is not lost on Georgia and Olivia, who were given the freedom to find their own way in sport. “She doesn’t want her past to be an expectation for our future,” Olivia said this week.

Cowley-Nel never pushed them into swimming and she almost hid her own achievements, which included winning NCAA collegiate titles and becoming the first South African woman to break a minute in the 100m freestyle.

Georgia, the older of the twins, recalled finding out by accident. “I was maybe 12, and I was looking for some jewellery from my mom’s cupboard and I went into a jewellery box and I just find four Big Ten (US collegiate conference) rings and four NCAA rings (national collegiate) in her jewellery box. I was like, ‘you’re going to have to do some explaining here’.”

Written in the stars

It’s as if Glasgow 2026 was written in the stars for the Nel family. For one, the Scottish city that staged the 2014 Games stepped in to rescue this year’s showpiece after Victoria, Australia, pulled out as host.

And Georgia herself had planned to quit swimming after the 2025 World University Games, having graduated with a BSc in business management at the University of North Carolina shortly before.

She had wanted a place to train for the final months and approached Tuks head coach Rocco Meiring, who persuaded her to commit to his programme for a year until the Commonwealth Games.

Having seen her 200m freestyle times drop she’s now in it until the 2028 Los Angeles Olympics. “I was supposed to be done with swimming and the fact that it’s Scotland again ... it’s just so serendipitous,” said Georgia.

Olivia, who graduated with a BA in biology from nearby North Carolina State University this year, said learning about their mother’s journey had “rewired us and our understanding of wanting to enjoy it more”.

Fuelling my training

“We get this opportunity that she didn’t have. It’s definitely been fuelling my training towards the Games.”

Olivia, who returned from the US only recently, is set to compete in freestyle and backstroke over both 50m and 100m. Georgia is down for the 200m freestyle.

Both are due to take part in various relays, including the women’s 4x100m freestyle on the opening day of the gala on Friday.

Despite living on different continents for the past year, the two have communicated every day, using FaceTime and WhatsApp. “Even if it’s one minute, two minutes,” said Olivia.

“She’ll call me for a minute ‘which shirt should I wear? This one or this one?’ and I’m like, ‘that one’ and she’s like, ‘okay, bye’.”

Going forward Olivia is hoping to straddle her training between NCSU and Pretoria to spend more time with Georgia as they take aim at the Olympics, another milestone that eluded their mother.

Cowley-Nel is relishing Glasgow. “Even though it’s not me doing it, to have not one but twin daughters being there to compete is just very special. It’s just a very unique closing of an open circle.”

Zuma is arguing that an order compelling their disclosure violates his constitutional rights to privacy while insisting the case should not be used to determine whether he committed any tax offences.

The intervention marks a significant escalation in the long-running fight over access to Zuma’s tax affairs after the former president applied to join the South African Revenue Service (Sars) as a co-applicant in its bid to overturn an enforcement notice issued by the Information Regulator (IR).

If successful, Zuma would stand alongside Sars in opposing the regulator’s decision directing the tax authority to disclose records linked to his tax affairs.

The dispute centres on attempts by UK-based financial journalist Warren Thompson to obtain Zuma’s tax records for the period between 2010 and 2018 after allegations that the former president may have failed to properly declare taxable income, fringe benefits and other financial advantages.

The requested records extend beyond tax returns to include VAT documents, audit findings, correspondence between Sars and Zuma or his attorneys, and records linked to alleged tax evasion investigations. They also include documents relating to Royal Security, identified in the court papers as Zuma’s employer or client during portions of the relevant period.

The records sought are my taxpayer records. They contain information protected not only by the confidentiality provisions of the Tax Administration Act but also by the constitutional rights to privacy, dignity and lawful administrative action

Ex-president Jacob Zuma in affidavit

In an affidavit supporting his application to intervene filed in the Johannesburg high court this month, Zuma argues that the IR’s decision directly affects his constitutional rights.

“The records sought are my taxpayer records. They contain information protected not only by the confidentiality provisions of the Tax Administration Act but also by the constitutional rights to privacy, dignity and lawful administrative action,” he states.

Zuma argues that before the IR’s decision, Sars had consistently refused access to his taxpayer information, but that the enforcement notice directed the revenue service to disclose significant portions of his confidential records, which could have consequences for himself and others.

His intervention follows Sars’ review application in which it argues that the IR’s enforcement notice is internally contradictory, irrational and incapable of meaningful implementation.

Sars argues that references to criminal investigations involving Zuma and Royal Security appear in portions of the regulator’s findings but are omitted from the operative provisions of the enforcement notice, creating uncertainty over what records the revenue service is legally required to disclose.

Zuma says legal advice made it clear that he should participate as a co-applicant because his interests differ from those of Sars and because the revenue service cannot be expected to fully defend his personal constitutional rights.

Zuma also distances himself from the allegations that prompted Thompson’s request for access to the records.

He says the factual issues remain disputed and that Thompson’s request is based on allegations in newspapers, the state capture commission’s report, the public protector’s report and books, all of which claim the records would reveal substantial contraventions of the law if his tax returns were disclosed.

I am entitled to refuse Mr Thompson access to my tax records. Like every other citizen, I am entitled to protect confidentiality of my tax records

Zuma

However, Zuma argues that those allegations are not what the high court is being asked to determine.

“The present review application does not require this honourable court to determine whether I have, or have not, committed any tax offence,” he states.

Instead, Zuma argues that the constitutional issue before the court is whether the IR had the legal authority to make what is effectively a determination concerning the commission of criminal tax offences — a function he says parliament entrusted to Sars and, where appropriate, the criminal courts.

He further argues that every taxpayer enjoys the same statutory confidentiality protections over their tax affairs and that he should not be treated differently because of his public profile.

“I am entitled to refuse Mr Thompson access to my tax records. Like every other citizen, I am entitled to protect confidentiality of my tax records,” he states.

Following the Constitutional Court’s landmark Arena Holdings judgment, which held that taxpayer confidentiality is not absolute and may be overridden in limited public-interest circumstances, Thompson renewed his request, arguing that disclosure would reveal evidence of substantial contraventions of the law.

Sars rejected the request, maintaining that the records constituted protected taxpayer information and did not reveal evidence of substantial contraventions of the law as contemplated in section 46 of the Promotion of Access to Information Act.

The IR later upheld Thompson’s complaint and ordered the disclosure of several categories of records, prompting Sars to launch review proceedings.

About 20 minutes into it, the music — the wildly popular 50 Cent smash hit of the time, In Da Club — stops rather abruptly. The collective groan of “No man, who switched the music off?” is rudely interrupted by the owner of the house emerging from the house à la Eli Wallach in The Good, the Bad and the Ugly. Brandishing a cocked Glock 9mm pistol, he yells at the top of his voice: “Ay’hlanze indlu! Fusegani kwami, zinja!” (“My house, vomit everyone out! Bugger off from my house, you dogs!”)

I remember two things about that hasty departure. One, I reversed my VW Golf out of the driveway with two doors wide open. Two, there was no opportunity to grab my half-full bottle of Tennessee’s finest cheap bourbon by the grill.

In any case, the emesis from the house regrouped at a nearby filling station and held a post-mortem into our undignified ejection from the braai while we tore pieces from the bloody Texan steak one of the fellows escaped with, still attached to a pair of braai tongs. The mystery is quickly solved; the host was apparently greatly annoyed by the sight of his madam, head thrown back in laughter, enthralled by the comedic timing of our fake Chris Rock.

I recently had to repeat this story to one of my two boys at uni. He was sharing how one of his mates had stopped talking to him after an evening out, when the latter’s girlfriend had apparently lapped up every one of his witty one-liners. For context, this particular fruit of my loins has been a one-liner machine since he was in his diapers.

The average grown man is really nothing more than a giant five-year-old boy with whiskers and pubes

He’s the same child I once ran into in the passage when he was around eight years old and asked where his brother was. Without missing a beat, he pointed at a closed bedroom: “He’s in there doing something that probably needs grown-up supervision.” And he was right too. The sibling was, at that very moment, busy with attempted arson, lighter fluid and matches in hand. Now, fast forward to a karaoke bar with university mates and he’s got someone’s girlfriend giving him Olive Oyl staring at Popeye eyes.

So I decided to give him The Talk. You’re carrying my genes, I told him, our Qadi clan DNA. That means you exude potent sex appeal. Like your father, I emphasised. We Qadi males possess kavorka, “the allure of the animal”. Never mind that it’s a word invented by Seinfeld scriptwriters.

With great power, I cautioned him, comes great responsibility. So when you are in the presence of your mates’ significant others, you have to keep that Qadi charm in check.

The average grown man is really nothing more than a giant five-year-old boy with whiskers and pubes. My radical feminist friends have chastised me for making this point. Apparently, it gives men a free pass to be as problematic as they want because, “Hey, boys will be boys.” But whenever I spend a few hours with a group of friends averaging about 50, I find myself thinking: “Nee man, all that’s missing are water pistols, plastic Zoro swords and black masks, and these blokes are back in kindergarten.”

As a 10-year-old, I collected clay from a stream near my home in my Hammarsdale and moulded the most beautiful clay rhinoceros. And when all the Standard 4B girls marvelled at how realistic its horn looked, an “accident” ensued — a fellow called Surprise crushed the rhino by standing on it “while he was not looking”.

The moral of all these tales is pretty simple. If you are part of the hairy-faced half of the human species with dangly bits, please curb your enthusiasm around your fellow primates’ love interests. The one-liner king returns to campus today. Before he leaves, I intend to remind him: “Son, please tame your inner allure of the animal.”

Maybe that is why, on Friday, he played a bit of hide-and-seek with police before they eventually nabbed him outside a house in Kensington. On Monday or Tuesday, he’ll be back in court making yet another application for bail.

Given how much trouble Mkhwanazi is in with the law, perhaps he should invite all law enforcement agencies investigating the myriad of allegations against him to charge him at one go. Even this Mampara cannot afford to sweat buckets every time a Friday comes around.

The dispute, which is unfolding before the Gauteng High Court, stems from a commercial loan agreement concluded on June 1 2023.

Radu and Gumede claim the bank persisted with court proceedings despite receiving a R560,000 payment that settled the arrears which gave rise to the case.

The actors, who are among South Africa’s best-known television personalities and producers, stood surety for the debt, exposing themselves to personal liability should the company fail to honour its repayment obligations.

They argue Capitec was no longer entitled to seek an order declaring the property specially executable once the default had been cured, and want the application dismissed with punitive costs.

There is no dispute regarding the fact that the parties entered into a loan agreement on June 1 2023. The respondents further admit that they fell into arrears

Court papers

When repayments allegedly fell into arrears, the bank accelerated the debt and turned to the courts to recover what it says is owed.

Capitec is seeking judgment for R2,233,549, together with R62,233 interest and legal costs. It has also asked the court to declare the respondents’ immovable property “specially executable”, a move that could ultimately pave the way for its attachment.

Radu and Gumede, however, insist the bank’s application is based on a default that had already been remedied long before the matter was argued.

“There is no dispute regarding the fact that the parties entered into a loan agreement on June 1 2023. The respondents further admit that they fell into arrears. However, subsequent to the issuing of the application, the respondents paid an amount of R560,000 towards the loan account, thereby settling the arrears which formed the basis of this application,” they say in their court papers.

Rather than disputing the existence of the loan or denying that they experienced financial difficulties, the directors say the central issue is whether Capitec can continue pursuing execution against their property after the payment of the arrears that underpinned the litigation.

According to their court papers, the arrears that prompted the application amounted to about R246,000. They say that on December 2, 2025, they transferred R560,000 into the loan account — more than double the amount of the arrears — and expected the litigation to be withdrawn.

The actors claim that after the payment was made, Capitec advised them that only legal costs remained outstanding before the matter could be finalised.

The applicant persisted with this application despite the arrears having been settled. We submit that the order sought by the applicant is no longer competent because the default upon which the application was founded had already been remedied

Despite that, they allege, the bank proceeded with the legal action.

“The applicant persisted with this application despite the arrears having been settled. We submit that the order sought by the applicant is no longer competent because the default upon which the application was founded had already been remedied.”

Radu and Gumede argue that while the overall loan balance may still exist, the specific payment default relied upon by Capitec had ceased to exist by the time the matter came before court.

They contend that the bank therefore lost its legal basis to seek one of the most severe remedies available to a creditor.

The directors say execution against immovable property should not be granted where the circumstances giving rise to the application have materially changed. They are asking the court to dismiss the application and order Capitec to pay punitive costs for continuing with litigation that they argue had become unnecessary.

In addition to challenging the merits of the bank’s claim, Radu and Gumede have also attacked the validity of Capitec’s court papers. They argue that the founding affidavit relied upon by the bank is defective because it allegedly fails to comply with the regulations governing the administration of oaths.

The respondents have conceded this point.

The directors argue that the alleged defect is not merely technical but goes to whether Capitec has placed admissible evidence before the court. Should the court agree with that submission, they argue, the application ought to fail irrespective of the underlying dispute over the loan.

The case is expected to test the extent to which lenders can continue pursuing execution proceedings after borrowers have remedied the defaults that initially prompted litigation

They have asked the court to dismiss the matter with punitive costs.

The case is expected to test the extent to which lenders can continue pursuing execution proceedings after borrowers have remedied the defaults that initially prompted litigation.

While Capitec maintains that more than R2.2m remains owing under the loan agreement, Radu and Gumede argue that the payment of the arrears fundamentally changed the legal position and deprived the bank of its entitlement to seek execution against their property.

The Gauteng High Court in Joburg is now expected to decide whether Capitec’s bid to attach the property should proceed, or whether the subsequent payment of the arrears and the alleged defects in the bank’s court papers are sufficient to bring the application to an end.

Capitec Bank declined to comment on the merits of its high court dispute with Parental Advisory Productions and its directors, Radu and Gumede, citing the matter’s pending status before the courts. They confirmed only that the matter will be heard on August10.

Radu rose to prominence as a Channel O presenter before starring in Rhythm City and later hosting hit shows including Big Brother Mzansi, The Voice South Africa and Fear Factor South Africa.

Gumede made his name as an actor and comedian through productions such as A Place Called Home, Bay of Plenty and Sketch U Later, while also hosting several television programmes.

Together they co-founded Parental Advisory Productions, the company behind popular television productions including Forever Young, Love Back, Mo Love, Goal Diggers and the e.tv telenovela Nikiwe.

It’s an audacious step, and many are asking whether the Treasury has gone too far. Or not far enough. Rather than investigating the reasons behind the freeze, our attention should be focused on how these municipalities are run and why they continue, year after year, to be unable to manage the funds that have already been allocated to them.

The reality is that the widespread financial mismanagement, weak governance, and lack of accountability often associated with municipality failure are not problems about funding but about capability.

Managing a municipality is one of the most demanding leadership roles in South Africa. Municipal executives oversee billions of rand in public funds, maintain critical infrastructure, deliver essential services, and make decisions that influence local economic growth. These are complex organisations that require the same calibre of leadership one would expect in a major listed company.

The national conversation needs to shift from how much funding a municipality gets, to the people entrusted to spend that funding

Yet we rarely ask whether municipalities are attracting the right level of professional expertise. The national conversation needs to shift from how much funding a municipality gets, to the people entrusted to spend that funding. Instead of asking where the money went when projects fail or conditional grants go unspent, we should instead be asking whether the right people were appointed to manage it in the first place.

Infrastructure needs experienced engineers, municipal finances should be overseen by highly qualified accounting professionals, and internal auditors and governance specialists should be empowered to identify risks before they become front-page scandals.

These appointments require technical competence, professional judgment and years of practical experience, but unfortunately attracting these professionals to public office has become a challenge. Even I would think twice about a move into local government, not because the work lacks purpose, but because the risks have become difficult to justify.

I know too many experienced professionals who see local government as a career-limiting move, thanks to political interference, public suspensions and reputational damage that have created an environment where professionals can find themselves under intense scrutiny simply for insisting on proper governance. Even when allegations are later disproved, careers and reputations are permanently damaged.

This reluctance can cost a municipality more than any funding freeze. Without competent or well-qualified professionals, governance inevitably weakens, projects stall, maintenance is delayed, procurement failures multiply and essential infrastructure deteriorates.

Weak municipal governance is not only a public sector problem. It is a direct constraint on economic growth, job creation and investor confidence. Business owners depend on functioning municipalities, and when these systems fail, they pay the biggest price through delays, rising costs and lost opportunities.

We have seen these consequences play out across the country time and time again. Professionalising local government needs to become a national priority, but it isn’t something the government can do alone.

Professional bodies representing accountants, engineers, auditors and other specialists have an important role to play in strengthening municipal capability.

This is a call for those organisations to step forward, work alongside the government and become active partners in rebuilding local government

This is a call for those organisations to step forward, work alongside the government and become active partners in rebuilding local government.

They already set strict professional standards, regulate ethical conduct and develop the very skills municipalities need. Stronger partnerships could create leadership pipelines, mentorship programmes and technical support that strengthen municipal institutions over the long term.

Recruitment also requires a fundamental rethink. In the business world, organisations don’t fill executive vacancies just to meet compliance requirements. Instead, they recruit leaders with the experience, judgment and integrity to build resilient institutions, and municipal appointments need to be approached with the same level of care and professionalism.

Equally important is creating an environment where professionals are protected when good governance is upheld. Accountability must remain non-negotiable, and professionals who act ethically should not fear becoming collateral damage in political battles.

This week’s intervention by the Treasury may go some way in improving compliance in the short term. It may even encourage municipalities to address immediate financial shortcomings, but the long-term consequences are a lot more unclear.

Until we make local government a place where the country’s best engineers, finance professionals, planners and governance specialists once again want to build careers, we will continue treating the symptoms while ignoring the disease.

After all, money has never built, and never will build, a capable municipality, but competent people can.

• Mtwentwe is a certified internal auditor, MD of Vantage Advisory and host of the SAICABIZ Impact Podcast.

Story audio is generated using AI

For generations, a quiet crisis has played out in the dustbowl of Namaqualand and the Karoo. A struggle defined by the indigenous Nama and Khoi communities waging a lonely battle against generational trauma, crushing unemployment and addiction. But this year, the veil over their silent suffering is set to be pierced by award-winning indigenous theatre-maker Jason Jacobs, armed with compelling community-centred art and activism.

Jacobs, recently named the 2026 Standard Bank Young Artist for Theatre, was all the rage at the National Arts Festival in Makhanda this year. His one-man theatre show, KRAAL, was performed to much acclaim. His film Carissa (2024) was selected for the Orizzonti section at the 81st Venice International Film Festival, while Variations On A Theme (2026) won the top Tiger Award at the 2026 International Film Festival Rotterdam.

Amid this marked success, Jacobs has opted to resist the customary migration to big cities like Cape Town or Joburg in the name of personal progress. He lives and works in Kharkams, a small, poor settlement nestled 25km to the south of Kamieskroon on the N7 in Namaqualand. The back of beyond.

As the dust settled on his headline performances at the National Arts Festival, Jacobs took time to reflect on the role of his work as an artist in finding healing and empowerment for the people of Namaqualand and the surrounds.

Jacobs says the centrality of the Nama and people of Khoi descent to his work is “the natural and necessary next step in a lifelong commitment to restoration work”. He insists that his work “is not a personal showcase. It stands on the shoulders of the herders, farmers, matjieshuis builders and the everyday community members of Kharkams and Namaqualand. My work is a call to action to restore the pride, dignity and self-worth of the indigenous peoples from and in Namaqualand.”

My people and their stories are inherent in everything I do, even as I also tell other stories from places like the winelands, where my paternal lineage is from

Jason Jacobs, award-winning indigenous theatre-maker

Jacobs was born and raised in Kharkams before his family moved to Vredendal. Though he still feels a kinship with the people of Vredendal North, he recently returned to live in Kharkams. This has been both an activist’s move and a search for deeper personal meaning.

“My people and their stories are inherent in everything I do, even as I also tell other stories from places like the winelands, where my paternal lineage is from. Remaining in the communities I come from, and form part of, allows me to stay true to the land and act as a faithful steward of my people’s joy, pain, herstories and futures,” he says.

The pursuit of personal development often leads to a brain and talent drain from small villages and communities in remote regions of the country. Places like Kharkams are no exception. To help stem the tide, Jacobs uses his platform as an artist and researcher to create opportunities that will incentivise young talented people to stay, dream and see possibilities for the future in Kharkams.

“For instance, thanks to the National Film and Video Foundation, we have successfully employed many local people from the Kamiesberg directly [to make our films]; and through funds like the Nasionale Afrikaanse Teater-Inisiatief, BASA [Business and Arts South Africa] and the National Arts Council, we use literature and theatre-making to enable change in a big way.”

Though funding makes the struggle easier, the fight for economic empowerment through the creative industry is not easy, says Jacobs. “It requires a lot of people to steer the ship.” However, working with the community and holding each other accountable to change for good makes the mission worthwhile.

Jacobs and his art activist colleagues wrestle with a deep structural problem of addiction in the Northern Cape. A problem that is faced by many other communities in South Africa. However, substance abuse for the Nama and Cape Coloured communities has a unique history of being institutionalised as a campaign by wine farm owners using addiction to demobilise people across multiple generations.

By translating these dreams into a fictionalised narrative for healing, I confront the inherited damage that functions like an unwanted heirloom

Jacobs makes the point that “the dop system, which is often only discussed as a problem of the winelands and Western Cape, is a colonial hangover” that has been a terrible reality in Namaqualand and the larger Northern Cape. So, he creatively looks at how it continues to “ravage the nuclear family [with] intergenerational scars dating back to the 1600s”.

One way Jacobs confronts this horrible history is through his play, KRAAL. “It was born from ancestral visitations in my dreams explicitly guiding me to write about the past and imagine new futures in performance as ceremony,” he says, adding that he is a traditional healer in training and employs his gift as a healer to aid his efforts as an artist.

“By translating these dreams into a fictionalised narrative for healing, I confront the inherited damage that functions like an unwanted heirloom. It is a vulnerable process, but it serves as an artistic and literary exorcism, using storytelling as transgenerational therapy to find the magical, sacred core” that goes far beyond mere tools of production.

Jacobs collaborated with actors from Kharkams to reimagine his dreams as archival material by creating short films, which were then used as audio-visual projections in the final theatre production. In the end, they created a work that is at once communal in scope and personal in reach.

This approach is mirrored in his film, Variations on a Theme. The film tracks the lives of a family dealing with the difficulties of an ageing grandmother whose children wrestle with leaving her alone in the village while looking to build their own families elsewhere; a process dogged by persistent memories and crime.

Variations on a Theme has brought the village together. After it was recently shown at International Film Festival Rotterdam and Joburg Film Festival, Jacobs and his colleagues organised a three-day screening festival in Kharkams and Kamiesberg to give the towns’ people an opportunity to see themselves on screen. It was a moment of great “joy and pride” for the community.

Beyond the little economic injection that the film made possible, the most sacred win of this journey was in the “pride in the faces of the people”. It may be a small win, but along with the Standard Bank Young Artist for Theatre award, Jacobs says, it “reinforces my responsibility to use theatre not just for performance, but as a bridge for collective well-being and a mirror for those struggling with the scars of the past”.

• Mabandu is an art historian and writer based in Tshwane

Story audio is generated using AI

As a young reporter some years ago, I was sent on an assignment to go around soliciting sick notes from doctors in Durban. It turned out to be a fruitful fishing expedition. I collected a decent bundle.

I didn’t have to claim to be sick nor ask to be examined. I simply asked for a sick note. The only question was: “How many days do you want?” Then the document materialised. At a price, of course. And I was out of the door in a shot, pleased as punch.

Some doctors did get into trouble with the South African Medical and Dental Council, predecessor of the Health Professions Council of South Africa (HPCSA), after publication of the story.

One can write a riveting tome about sick notes. It’s a South African disease. They’re the stuff of legend.

While I was editing a publication in Johannesburg, an esteemed colleague, who’d been away for a few days, presented an immaculate sick note on her return to work. I immediately smelt a rat. She lived in Bryanston and the sick note was from a doctor in Hammanskraal, Pretoria. I phoned the guy. He was very apologetic. I knew the moment he said “my brother” that he was pleading for my “understanding”. Any media exposure could wreck his career.

But that’s nothing compared to the staffer who sent a sick note from a doctor in Harare. That’s one for the ages. And there are many more such tall tales.

Doctor’s certificates, or sick notes, have been the bane of many employers. An employee with a hangover after a weekend of spirited merry-making rocks up later in the week armed with a doctor’s note. What is a manager supposed to do? The note is from a doctor with impressive credentials behind their name.

It’s often assumed, wrongly, that it’s only lowly workers who abuse the system. That’s an unfair aspersion. We know better now. The most notorious case, of course, is that of Schabir Shaik, Jacob Zuma’s purported financial adviser, whose mere existence is a constant rebuke of the medical profession. Shaik, the poster child of the corruption surrounding the multi-billion rand arms deal — progenitor of the wholesale looting that’s become a feature of this government — was sentenced to 15 years’ imprisonment for fraud and corruption by judge Hilary Squires in 2005.

The witnesses who failed to turn up read like a rogues’ gallery

The judge found that there was “overwhelming evidence” of a corrupt relationship between Shaik and Zuma, who has yet to face the music for his role in that debacle. But Shaik didn’t have to worry about spending years in jail. Fortunately for him, his incarceration coincided with Zuma’s improbable rise to power.

Shaik, who spent most of his jail time in hospital, was later granted medical parole after just over two years on the “collective submission” of three doctors — AE Gangat, a psychiatrist; Ngenisile Mbanjwa, from correctional services; and Sajidah Khan, a cardiologist. Gangat wrote: “Mr Shaik is terminally ill, with life-threatening organ failure due to malignant hypertension. I strongly recommend it [his release].”

But, of course, the proof of the pudding is always in the eating. Gangat’s diagnosis proved to be way off the mark. By all accounts, Shaik is still with us, apparently in rude health, and enjoying his umpteenth round of golf. The three doctors were cleared of any medical malpractice by the HPCSA.

Doctor’s notes are currently being deployed again as an effective shield by witnesses reluctant to appear before the Madlanga commission, thus seriously disrupting its tight schedule. It’s hard to tell whether people are genuinely unwell or are simply using these pieces of paper as a ruse to avoid public scrutiny. Some of them seem to be showing utter contempt for the law.

The public must be wondering why doctors who issue these notes cannot be invited to explain themselves to the commission or, better still, why the commission can’t get its own medical personnel to examine these “patients”. But, of course, we will then be lectured about the sanctity of doctor-patient confidentiality.

The witnesses who failed to turn up read like a rogues’ gallery. Mike van Wyk, CEO of one of Vusimuzi “Cat” Matlala’s dodgy companies, suddenly falls ill and is admitted to a psychiatric ward on the eve of his appearance before the commission. Something fishy there. Maybe he can be forgiven for losing his faculties given the searching examination he’s likely to face at the commission. Just the thought of it must have been enough to give him the jitters.

And there’s Gen Feroz Khan, who — going by the evidence at the commission appears to be a corrupt, nasty piece of work — is shot on the eve of his testimony. And his lawyers have the audacity to blame his attempted assassination on the commission.

Poor Andrea Johnson, the beleaguered head of Idac, didn’t appear, submitting her own sick note, which the commission chair, justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga, described in scathing terms as “useless”. But one can’t blame her being reluctant to appear. Idac is becoming a byword for sinister machinations. Speculation is Johnson is likely to resign. She won’t be missed.

But lawyers too may have to explain themselves. For instance, evidence leader Matthew Chaskalson told the commission this week that North west businessman Suliman Carrim, who’s alleged to be sick in hospital, was seen dining at a restaurant in Cape Town. If true, his legal team will also have some pointed questions to answer.

On the face of it, members of the two professions, law and medicine, seem to be conniving to undermine the work of the commission. What also sticks in the craw is that it may even be stolen money that’s used by their clients to avoid accountability.

Not to tar the entire profession with the same brush, but the medical fraternity especially may need to look in the mirror. Reports by medical professionals evidently have huge consequences. They should therefore not be dished out willy-nilly like confetti, especially not when that’s intended to frustrate such an important national endeavour.

If people follow the law and the advocacy campaign we’ve engaged on to ensure safe traditional initiation, and if they follow the correct practices, that is going to ameliorate the death of initiates.

Why isn’t the law being enforced?

The law is enforced. We have arrested 22 now. That is enforcement of the law.

So why are there still so many illegal initiation schools?

It’s like asking me why there are so many criminals. I can’t answer that question.

Are you saying initiation schools have been infiltrated by criminals?

I’m saying that traditional circumcision is being practised by people who are not traditionally expected to practise it. I was recently in a rural area which has become a slaughterhouse because of illegal initiation schools. We’ve closed 10 others you can’t see, and communities are terrorised not to indicate where these schools are. Some of them we only find when there’s the death of an initiate.

Are you saying vast areas of your province are beyond the law?

No, how can they be beyond the law?

Why is there no law enforcement in areas you say are slaughterhouses?

These schools are placed in unreachable areas. We’ve got monitoring teams that must go to the schools and check whether the law has been followed, the health status of initiates and what is being done to protect the lives of initiates. But in such areas they hide the schools away. You only realise there was a school when an underage initiate is declared dead because he was in one of these fictitious circumcision schools. Not that the law cannot reach them, because we’ve arrested 22.

Have they been convicted and put in jail?

Yes. The judge put 15 years on one. Because we have taken it on ourselves now to educate prosecutors on the customary male initiation act. We are working with prosecutors, with magistrates, with the police. So everyone in the criminal justice system is now more involved in acting against the practice.

So why are so many initiates still dying and being maimed?

The first thing is that in areas where the tradition was not practised, you find there’s an exponential increase in the death of initiates because of people who have never practised the system before.

But they are realising how much money they can make out of it?

Exactly. I heard about a woman who has been facilitating for young people in her village to be circumcised by her son, who is a newly initiated young man who has no experience. That woman is being investigated, and her son has been arrested because it is alleged that he has been commercialising this and has actually damaged a lot of kids who were circumcised by him.

Is it time to rethink this practice?

Definitely it is time to rethink the tradition and work with traditional leaders to say, “How can it be transformed so that no lives are lost because of this simple tradition that has never killed so many people before?”

Story audio is generated using AI

The likely impact of the expected El Niño weather pattern on South Africa’s agriculture and food prices next year is a major point of discussion among analysts and economists.

By mid-2026, weather forecasts were signalling that the world was heading towards a severe El Niño. The phenomenon tends to have varying impacts on different regions. For southern Africa, it typically presents drought, which is negative for agricultural production.

The arrival of the likely drought is due to coincide with South Africa’s 2026-27 summer crop season.

I believe that in examining the likely impact of this El Niño on crop production and food prices, two major factors need to be considered.

First, unlike in the most recent droughts, South Africa will enter the 2026-27 summer crop season with higher soil moisture after excessive rains in the 2025-26 season, which lasted longer than usual. South Africa received rains through to May 2026; the summer rains typically end around March. The rains improved the levels in dams and also soil moisture and water tables. This places the country in a better position ahead of the 2026-27 crop season.

Second, South Africa has ample grain supplies and carries over a high stock, which may soften some of the drought’s impact on food prices and therefore inflation.

Food is an important component of South Africa’s inflation basket, with a weighting around 16.8%. A rise in food price inflation therefore tends to influence the overall inflation trend. Still, it is likely that 2027’s drought may not be the same as previous droughts that led to a notable increase in food price inflation and then the headline (overall) inflation figure.

The drought that’s being forecast is not ideal and may impose costs on farmers, but any upcoming drought should not be viewed in the same way as previously. There are clear factors pointing to a better season

South Africa’s staple grain is maize. In past droughts, the country saw notable losses in maize production and a broader impact on other agricultural activities. For example, one of the most memorable droughts in South Africa occurred in the 2014-15 and 2015-16 seasons. The maize harvest then fell to around 8.9Mt on average. (In the current 2025-26 season, South Africa is expecting to harvest 17.3Mt.)

The country’s annual maize consumption is about 12Mt, and a smaller harvest meant the country had to import. This led to a surge in food price inflation, which averaged 10.8% in 2016. (It averaged 3.2% in the first five months of 2026.)

The impact was not only on maize but across the field crops: maize, wheat, soybeans, sunflower seed and sugar cane, among others. 

Roughly 20% of South Africa’s field crops are under irrigation, with the rest rain-fed. All production of fruits and vegetables is under irrigation and will benefit from the higher dam levels this year.

This time, things are different.

First, South Africa has benefited from a prolonged La Niña, a weather pattern that makes the region wetter. This has supported the agricultural sector over the past few years, with farming better placed ahead of the 2026-27 season.

In the 2024-25 season, the summer rains continued through April 2025; they normally end in March. In the 2025-26 season, they went on to May 2026.

Ordinarily, such extended rainfall would raise concerns about crop quality. But in the areas that harvested the 2025-26 crops, the country hasn’t seen many quality issues. In fact, the crop estimates committee’s latest projections were revised higher and still point to a record summer crop harvest for 2025-26.

The longer rainfall season improved soil moisture and the water table. Planting starts in October 2026. There may be sufficient soil moisture to support seed germination and crop development even as El Niño likely causes below-normal rainfall.

That said, the timing of the rain is what will matter most.

In the irrigation areas, such as the fruit- and vegetable-growing regions, La Niña rains over the past few years have improved dam levels and the water table. Field crops will depend mostly on available soil moisture and the timing of showers going into the 2026-27 season.

For livestock, grazing across the country is in a fair condition, having benefited from the increased rain. The improved water table will continue to support pastures.

The second key factor is that South Africa has its largest-ever summer grain and oilseed crop in the 2025-26 season. The crop estimates committee places the summer crop at a record 21.49Mt, 5% up year-on-year. Notably, zooming in on the major grains, the 2025-26 maize production estimate is 17.25Mt, up 4%, and the largest harvest on record. This ample harvest adds to large carryover stocks.

The drought that’s being forecast is not ideal and may impose costs on farmers, but any upcoming drought should not be viewed in the same way as previously. There are clear factors pointing to a better season.

• Sihlobo is the presidential envoy on agriculture and land, chief economist of the Agricultural Business Chamber of South Africa and a senior research fellow at Stellenbosch University

Yet for 30 years it has acted in their best interests, ensuring that all South Africans have their constitutional rights, including health care, housing, water and social security, protected. These resources are constitutionally mandated to be provided by our democratic government, a promise that is made to all South African citizens.

To this end, South Africa has a system of managing and allocating financial resources among national, provincial and local governments. The FFC is tasked with ensuring this intergovernmental fiscal system is stable and that the three tiers of government are allocated sufficient financial resources to fulfil their functions.

Each sphere of government is guaranteed its equitable share from national collected revenue without any preconditions.

Each year, the laws governing this equitable division of revenue are processed through parliament’s legislative oversight and in terms of the constitution. Such laws cannot be passed unless the FFC has been consulted and its recommendations considered.

The local government equitable share is the cornerstone of South Africa’s intergovernmental fiscal relations system. As a constitutionally provided unconditional allocation, it enables municipalities to provide basic services and fulfil their developmental responsibilities, particularly where local revenue-raising capacity is constrained.

The executive’s failure to consult and the resultant unilateral action risks the rise of intergovernmental disputes, even litigation

For many rural and fiscally distressed municipalities, the equitable share constitutes a significant proportion of operating revenue and is critical to maintaining essential municipal functions and service delivery. Therefore safeguarding the integrity of the equitable division of revenue is at the core of the FFC’s mandate.

The move by the national executive to stop the payment of this grant and impose conditions on the release of an unconditional and constitutionally mandated equitable share came as a surprise. This is especially so given that many stakeholders were party to the passing of the Division of Revenue Act mandating payments on specific dates in July 2026, December 2026 and March 2027. There was a logical expectation for consultation when the agreed-upon policy was suddenly being changed at implementation.

The executive claimed it took this decision due to persistent municipal financial mismanagement, noncompliance and the failure of municipal officials to discharge their duties in line with legislation. To address these deficiencies, approximately R13.5bn of the July 2026 local government equitable share due to 69 municipalities across the provinces was suspended.

The challenges and failures of local government are well documented, and the auditor-general’s successive reports have painted a picture of deteriorating municipalities and flagrant disregard of laws and regulations.

We do not doubt the frustration over persistent failures by many municipalities to comply with the Municipal Finance Management Act and other laws that govern their finances. Given these challenges, the executive invoked section 216 of the constitution and suspended funding pending performance on certain imposed conditions.

Key to intergovernmental relations and co-operative governance with regard to the sharing of fiscal resources are consultation and negotiations. The executive’s failure to consult and the resultant unilateral action risks the rise of intergovernmental disputes, even litigation.

Given that the executive has invoked section 216 of the constitution in the stoppage of funding to municipalities, the FFC has called on parliament to exercise its mandate and discharge its duties as required by the legislation.

Our assessment is that the affected municipalities are, by definition, those least able to absorb a cash-flow shock from their own revenue

A joint sitting of key finance committees has resolved to seek a legal opinion to clarify the legalities of the process taken as well as the roles and responsibilities of key players in local government.

The FFC’s analysis indicates that the fiscal consequences are material and fall on residents rather than on errant officials.

The suspended allocations fund water, electricity, sanitation, refuse removal and community services in 69 municipalities, and the equitable share is weighted towards the indigent household component, the poorest of the poor.

Our assessment is that the affected municipalities are, by definition, those least able to absorb a cash-flow shock from their own revenue.

The November local government elections have focused attention on municipal challenges and service delivery failures. We have to decisively address failing municipalities and demand accountability from errant officials and public office bearers.

We must also recognise that municipalities are not homogenous. They have different socioeconomic environments and different capacities and capabilities. Some have cash reserves, some have none and depend entirely on the equitable share cash transfers. Some are rural and distressed, and some are big metros with decent sources of income over and above their equitable share. Therefore, corrective measures should adopt differentiated approaches for fiscal oversight and support, recognising the significant diversity in municipalities.

Blunt, uniform enforcement measures may have disproportionate consequences for municipalities with structurally weak own-revenue bases and high dependence on intergovernmental transfers.

• Mbava is chair of the Financial and Fiscal Commission

The aim is understandable: public money must be protected, irregular expenditure must be addressed, and municipal officials must be held accountable. The country has endured too many collapsing municipalities, weak controls and communities punished by poor governance.

But a sound objective does not automatically make every method constitutionally sound. The real question is where firm fiscal oversight ends and executive overreach begins. The local government equitable share is not an ordinary discretionary payment. For many rural and distressed municipalities it is the money that keeps basic services alive.

Section 214 of the constitution provides for an equitable division of nationally raised revenue among the three spheres of government. That framework is deliberately consultative, parliamentary and constitutional. Once parliament has appropriated funds through the Division of Revenue Act, the executive must be careful not to introduce new conditions or use administrative leverage in ways that alter what parliament has already approved.

There is no denying the depth of financial governance failure in many municipalities. The Treasury is right to insist on discipline. Yet the constitutional test is not whether the Treasury’s frustration is understandable; it is whether the remedy is lawful, proportionate and alive to the consequences for residents.

Johannesburg deserves no sympathy for the dysfunction that brought it to this point. A metropolitan municipality of its size and economic significance should not be lurching from one financial crisis to another, failing to impose consequence management, weakening public confidence and placing residents at the mercy of political instability and administrative drift.

Municipalities are not all the same ... Treating them as if they operate from the same fiscal platform may satisfy the language of enforcement, but it will not solve the crisis

The city’s failures are not abstract accounting problems; they are felt in broken infrastructure, unreliable services, poor billing systems and a general erosion of urban governance.

A blanket or poorly differentiated approach risks punishing citizens for failures committed by municipal leaders and administrators. In municipalities with weak revenue bases, the equitable share funds water, sanitation, refuse removal, electricity support and other basic services. Interrupting that flow does not only pressure an accounting officer; it places households, schools, clinics and local economies under strain.

Municipalities are not all the same. Some have strong revenue bases and administrative capacity; others are structurally dependent on transfers because poverty and limited economic activity make meaningful own-revenue collection difficult. Treating them as if they operate from the same fiscal platform may satisfy the language of enforcement, but it will not solve the crisis.

This is where sections 100, 139 and 154 of the constitution matter. The constitution does not respond to failure through fiscal punishment alone. Section 139 provides the direct route for intervention in municipalities, while section 154 requires national and provincial governments to support and strengthen municipal capacity. The design is not “punish first, repair later”. It is support, supervision, intervention where necessary, and accountability within co-operative government.

After 30 years of democracy, South Africa must also confront the accumulated power of the Treasury’s bureaucracy. The Treasury has been indispensable in building fiscal discipline. But technical fiscal authority can gradually become a power to govern by conditionality, cash-flow control and administrative veto. When equitable share transfers are withheld, the issue is not only whether municipalities have failed. It is whether a national bureaucracy is beginning to govern elected local institutions through the fiscal tap.

Co-operative government was never meant to be government by financial strangulation. The three spheres are distinctive, interdependent and interrelated; they are not a command chain with the Treasury at the apex. When money becomes the primary instrument of discipline, co-operation gives way to coercion.

Parliament must not treat this as a technical matter buried in fiscal administration. It is a constitutional matter with real consequences for communities

That is what makes section 216 so important. If the government moves from support, supervision or intervention to interrupting constitutionally allocated funds, the matter enters a different terrain.

A “withholding” cannot become a convenient label for what is, in substance, a stopping of funds. Once the equitable share is interrupted under section 216(2), the legal safeguards must follow because the constitution does not permit the executive to act alone when allocations to another sphere are stopped.

Parliament must therefore not treat this as a technical matter buried in fiscal administration. It is a constitutional matter with real consequences for communities.

Section 39 of the Municipal Finance Management Act gives parliament a binding responsibility to scrutinise any stopping of funds. The relevant committees must demand proper reports, hear from affected municipalities, test the evidence and satisfy themselves that the measure is lawful, proportionate and not extended beyond what the constitution permits.

The public should resist the false choice between fiscal discipline and service delivery. South Africa needs both: clean municipal finances and functioning water systems; consequence management and constitutional restraint; a firm Treasury and an active parliament.

The country cannot afford municipalities that waste public money. But it also cannot afford a constitutional culture in which communities lose basic services because executive power is exercised without sufficient scrutiny.

If co-operative government is reduced to the power to switch off the fiscal tap, then the constitution’s promise of interdependence will have been replaced by the bureaucracy’s habit of command.

The standing ovations, cameras and international travel all came before adolescence and matric and before most teenagers ever board their first plane.

Chatting to the sparkly, considered 25-year-old I meet now, I am struck with the thought that the clichéd outcomes for child prodigy evolution would have them spending their lives trying to escape the shadow of their younger selves.

“I think I’ve just become the dreams the six-year-old and 11-year-old me already had,” she says.

We meet over lunch at a Joburg classic, the Red Chamber in Hyde Park Corner, where we happily sample all the wonders: three-flavoured chicken with steamed rice, prawn dumplings, a restorative seafood tom yum soup and my go-to cucumber salad.

She arrives fresh from submitting her work for a master’s degree at Wits University, with a new pan-African television series in production, a book under way and another international appointment about to be announced.

I’ve always stayed rooted in the art. No matter what opportunities came my way, I always came back to the writing, to the performance, to the reason I started in the first place. The six-year-old and the 11-year-old versions of me were already so brave, already dreaming so boldly

Botlhale Boikanyo

“I think stories were always embedded in who I was,” she says. “Even before I understood what storytelling meant, I was always making things up in my head, imagining different worlds, different versions of myself. Storytelling allowed me to dream in a way that felt limitless. It gave me permission to be curious, to explore, to become anyone I wanted to be, even if just for a moment.”

Dreaming has become a through-line in her life.

Growing up in a township outside Mahikeng, in her grandmother’s bustling home filled with cousins, aunts and uncles, she discovered poetry almost by accident. A teacher asked grade 7 pupils to perform a poem about HIV and Aids for a school concert. She was the only child who arrived on Monday having memorised it.

“I just wanted to be on stage,” she says with a laugh. “At that age, it wasn’t even about the poetry itself. I loved the feeling of being seen, of having people listen to me, of being the centre of attention. There was something about that moment of connection with an audience that felt really powerful, even though I didn’t fully understand it yet.”

The applause proved addictive, but storytelling endured. Soon she was performing wherever her parents could find an audience: churches, birthday parties, funerals and community events. Writing became her way of navigating the world.

“I wanted a bigger life,” she says. “Not in a material sense, but in the sense of possibility. I wanted to see more, to experience more, to understand more about the world beyond what I knew. Writing and performing felt like the doorway into that bigger life.”

That bigger life arrived with South Africa’s Got Talent. She queued in the Johannesburg winter with hundreds of hopeful contestants, carrying nothing more than a poem and an audacious belief that the spoken word belonged on national television. The producers had never featured poetry before. They took a chance on the 11-year-old from Mahikeng.

South Africa did too. Invitations multiplied: a scholarship to St Stithians, acting roles, international travel, a performance at a presidential inauguration and involvement in initiatives linked to the Nelson Mandela Children’s Hospital. Each opportunity expanded her world while somehow keeping her grounded.

“I’ve always stayed rooted in the art,” she says. “No matter what opportunities came my way, I always came back to the writing, to the performance, to the reason I started in the first place. The six-year-old and the 11-year-old versions of me were already so brave, already dreaming so boldly.”

I think poetry is everywhere. It’s in the smallest, most ordinary moments. It’s in tasting this cucumber for the first time and noticing something new about it. It’s in this conversation we’re having right now

Botlhale Boikanyo

Faith surfaces often in her reflections. She describes poetry as both a God-given gift and an ancestral inheritance.

“Storytelling has always been who we are as African people,” she says. “Long before we had written records, we had stories. That’s how we remembered, how we taught, how we preserved ourselves.”

Our conversation drifts to artificial intelligence, creativity and whether machines threaten artists.

“I don’t think AI will ever replace our essence as human beings,” she says. “It can be a tool, and I think it’s important to acknowledge that. It can help us work faster, help us research, help us organise our thoughts. But it can’t replace your lived experience.”

Her master’s research explored the dilution of Sesotho representation in South African television and the quiet disappearance of indigenous languages through code-switching, urbanisation and globalisation.

Our photographer, Mukovhe, wonders whether great poetry must come from pain. Boikanyo pauses.

“I think poetry is everywhere,” she says. “It’s in the smallest, most ordinary moments. It’s in tasting this cucumber for the first time and noticing something new about it. It’s in this conversation we’re having right now. It’s in that bag sitting over there. Stories are constantly unfolding around us. We don’t always have to reach for pain to create something meaningful.”

As we prepare to leave, I ask what she would tell the little girl who first stepped onto that national stage all those years ago.

“I’d tell her to keep dreaming,” she says. “To dream dreams that scare you, that feel bigger than you, that feel almost impossible. Because those are the dreams that stretch you, that grow you. And if your dreams don’t scare you a little bit, then maybe they’re not big enough.”

This time the bling queen, who has a penchant for designer brands including Birkin and Hermes, has lost a prestigious public sector leadership award she received at the height of her career. The Top Empowerment Awards committee has withdrawn the Public Sector Leader award it bestowed on Mashazi in 2020 after receiving a request from citizen activist Andrew Cox that the honour be reviewed pending the outcome of her criminal case.

The decision means Mashazi, once recognised for leadership in local government, has now become one of the rare recipients to have a Top Empowerment Award revoked.

Awards CEO Ralf Fletcher confirmed the decision.

“We have decided to withdraw the award. Of course, once the cases are resolved and if Ms Mashazi is found innocent, she will be welcome to apply for it again,” Fletcher said. “We have informed the city council but we have not been able to reach Ms Mashazi herself as her phone has been confiscated and she is suspended from work.”

Last week the Sunday Times reported on two more luxury junkets Mashazi enjoyed courtesy of dodgy benefactors who bankrolled her jet-setting lifestyle.

Mashazi was arrested on July 8 and appeared in the Germiston magistrate’s court alongside three co-accused on charges of fraud, corruption and defeating the ends of justice. She was granted R50,000 bail and the matter was postponed to August 28

In addition to her free trip on a jet to London in 2022 that cost more than R3m, Mashazi enjoyed trips to Durban and Lesotho worth R1.2m, paid for by service providers who were apparently hoping to cash in on the multibillion-rand looting spree that has rocked the metro.

She has in recent months also been grilled at the Madlanga commission, which heard details of her R3.5m trip to London in July 2022. That trip was paid for by XET Solutions, which was awarded lucrative contracts by Ekurhuleni.

Mashazi was arrested on July 8 and appeared in the Germiston magistrate’s court alongside three co-accused on charges of fraud, corruption and defeating the ends of justice. She was granted R50,000 bail and the matter was postponed to August 28.

The charges stem from a string of controversies that have engulfed her tenure as Ekurhuleni’s accounting officer.

Prosecutors allege she obstructed disciplinary proceedings against suspended Ekurhuleni metropolitan police department (EMPD) deputy chief Julius Mkhwanazi, who is accused of entering into an unlawful agreement that allowed private vehicles to be fitted with police blue lights.

She is also accused of ignoring recommendations from internal investigators and the Independent Police Investigative Directorate (Ipid) to act against Mkhwanazi.

Evidence before the Madlanga commission alleged Mashazi launched personal attacks on officials pursuing disciplinary action and threatened a former EMPD chief during the dispute.

She and her co-accused allegedly unlawfully approved salary increases worth R2.66m for two senior executives, despite council resolutions to the contrary.

The Sunday Times exposed her R3.5m private jet trip and her links to a R60m mansion in Waterfall Equestrian Estate, prompting calls from political parties and the public for a lifestyle audit

Away from the courtroom, Mashazi has faced scrutiny over her lavish lifestyle after a video showing her wearing luxury designer brands, including a watch reportedly worth R1.27m, went viral.

The clip, filmed at the Lux Afrique Jewellery, Watch and Home Exhibition in September, shows Mashazi and someone who appears to be a friend listing a catalogue of high-end items they were wearing.

“I’ll start with my earrings. My earrings, bracelet and necklace are from Bvlgari, same set, and then the watch is Audemars Piguet 2025. Dress is Dolce & Gabbana, my handbag is a Kelly range, and my shoes are obviously Hermes,” she said.

The Sunday Times exposed her R3.5m private jet trip and her links to a R60m mansion in Waterfall Equestrian Estate, prompting calls from political parties and the public for a lifestyle audit.

Before her arrest, the Ekurhuleni council had already moved to place Mashazi on special leave ahead of her planned retirement, a decision she challenged in court, arguing it amounted to constructive dismissal.

The move to strip her of the Top Empowerment Awards honour followed a formal request by Cox, who argued that while Mashazi remains innocent until proven guilty, allowing her to retain an award recognising ethical public service risked damaging the credibility of the programme.

In a letter to the awards committee, Cox said the award recognised accountability, sound financial management, ethical leadership and excellence in public service.

He argued that placing the award under review until the criminal case was finalised would balance the principles of due process with protecting the integrity of the awards.

Mtshakazi wrote off an Audi S3 worth more than R1.1m that had been loaned for a media review in a crash in the Pretoria residential area. Its engine separated from its chassis, indicating excessive speed.

The crash drew accusations of illegal racing from residents on the road where the accident occurred, which has a 60km/h limit.

Mtshakazi told the Sunday Times on Friday he was in a state of shock after the accident and left to find help from nearby security. He said he reported the accident at a second police station after “being shown away” from the first.

“I did not participate in any form of illegal street racing,” he said. “I have reports from residents on the record of another incident two hours before my incident. I also have it on record from multiple residents in the area that drag racing events took place from Saturday afternoon, all the way to Sunday morning and evening, after my accident.”

He said he later returned to the scene.

To be clear, the Audi accident must have happened at high speed. I am not a forensic investigator but have been on multiple accident scenes, and this was the first time I saw an impact causing the engine to fly out of the vehicle

Jean Jonker, The Meadows estate manager

Jean Jonker, manager of The Meadows estate near the crash site, said complaints of illegal racing had been made before the crash — but added the incidents could not be confirmed to be related.

Jonker is chair of the Lakes Security Forum. “It’s known that vehicles do ‘donuts’ in front of the estate. If you go to the corner of the R104 and Hazeldean Boulevard, you will notice tyre marks from people racing illegally.

“In Pretoria East overall, not just Silver Lakes, I receive similar reports — from the Olympus area and the new roads through Mooikloof. It’s a regular thing, especially on roads classified as boulevards with quick in and out access. You can’t really put in traffic-calming measures like speed bumps.”

He said that new developments often had long, open and quiet roads where drivers could achieve excessive speed.

“To be clear, the Audi accident must have happened at high speed. I am not a forensic investigator but have been on multiple accident scenes, and this was the first time I saw an impact causing the engine to fly out of the vehicle.”

Jonker confirmed that the crash occurred at the new intersection of Ridge Road and Hazeldean Boulevard.

Tshwane metro police department spokesperson Isaac Mahamba welcomed the issues of illegal racing and residential speeding being brought to the department’s attention.

“We will investigate and deploy our members for law enforcement. Anyone doing any wrong will be dealt with according to the law,” he said.

Speeding happens because road users know there’s no consequences — that’s what Aarto was trying to achieve, but not quite getting it right, weighing more on revenue collection than behavioural change

Bobby Ramagwede, AA chief executive

He urged residents to report incidents to the metro police.

Sylvester Mhlongo of Live Traffic NPC said first responders from the organisation had stayed with the vehicle overnight, trying to trace the owner. The car belongs to VW Group Africa but was booked out in the name of another social media personality, Mpho Mahlangu.

He said Mtshakazi had driven him home as he was emotionally and physically exhausted after attending his mother’s funeral.

“We are actively addressing the situation through the appropriate processes and remain committed to handling it responsibly,” said VW Group Africa, declining to comment further.

AA chief executive Bobby Ramagwede called for stricter law enforcement and infrastructure that would deter speeding.

“We lose more than 12,000 lives a year due to road deaths, largely driven by road user behaviour,” he said.

Noting that the road runs past a school — opposite where the incident took place — Ramagwede said the AA was lobbying to reduce speed limits around schools to 30km/h.

“Speeding happens because road users know there’s no consequences — that’s what Aarto was trying to achieve, but not quite getting it right, weighing more on revenue collection than behavioural change.

“The simple stance from the AA is most accidents are avoidable, boiling down to respect for one’s own life and those around them.”

The other is the queen of “knitwits”, an award-winning philanthropist with a global band of needle-enthusiasts who handcraft warmth to ward off the cold for those in need.

On Wednesday evening, Laduma Ngxokolo of celebrated knitwear brand MaXhosa Africa and Carolyn Steyn, founder of the nonprofit 67 Blankets, connected over a mutual affinity with yarn at the launch of Made for Living, an exhibition of design and décor which opened at Hyde Park Corner shopping centre in Joburg.

“The queen of crocheting 67 blankets,” Laduma corrects me, perhaps unaware of the term of endearment Carolyn has given to her knitting family when I mention the moniker to the two at the event, which also served as a precursor to Nelson Mandela Day observed on Saturday.

Lest we forget, Carolyn had a close bond with Madiba himself.

It was at her late husband, insurance billionaire Douw Steyn’s palatial home in Sandhurst where he penned Long Walk to Freedom (the house now converted into the Saxon Hotel), and it was to honour our first black president’s legacy on his birthday that the actress, radio personality and art patron took up a pair of needles as her act of community service.

From first trying a hand at knitting 67, today more than 167,000 blankets and scarves have been given to communities across the nation — some of the latter, in shades of green, elevated in an enthralling chandelier created by award-winning designer Anna-Mari Claasen, under which we stood.

Guests including society dame Peta Eggierth-Symes, singer Timothy Moloi, Woodrock Animal Rescue’s Jacqui Martheze, actor Chris Jaftha and Yolanda Kloppers — the Miss SA of 1978 will be turning the big seven-oh in a few months’ time and still sports a trim figure even those on peptides will covet — were treated to a performance by the talented Buskaid Soweto String Ensemble.

We also heard from Buskaid founder Rosemary Nalden and 67 Blankets marketing director Lynton Lefevre, who aptly described Anna-Mari as not only a designer but an engineer for her marvellous installation.

“Round of applause for our 67 Blankets ambassadors and our knitwits for Madiba, who have transformed my life and the lives of thousands of people around our country,” says Carolyn when she steps up to address us. “You have helped turn a little idea — a ball of wool and a crochet hook — into what many people are calling a movement for good and change in our world.”

Like Madiba and Laduma, Khaya Dlanga also hails from the Eastern Cape. But while he might be more Lilliputian in stature compared to our late 1.84m-tall president, that hasn’t stopped this Dutyini shortie from having carved a reputation as a renowned marketer, bestselling author or, as I once called him back in the pre-Elon Musk days, a Twitter loudmouth.

On Tuesday evening, Khaya, along with single malt Scotch whisky Glenmorangie, hosted a dinner billed as a taste of Scotland in Africa.

It proved to be one of those rare nights when you lose track of time because the food is good, the company even better and the conversation both enlightening and entertaining.

This was an intimate gathering, with not an influencer in sight (sigh of relief), and while I wasn’t surprised to see some of Khaya’s mates like Xolisa Dyeshana, I didn’t expect Anele Mgudlwa (formerly Mdoda) to be the first person I greeted when I walked into the upstairs room at Mamasamba in Rosebank, as the TV and radio personality’s name wasn’t on the guest list.

“Khaya didn’t invite me. The only way I could be here was because I offered to work,” quipped Anele.

Mind you, with Anele juggling so many hats these days (the production company she co-owns just bought TV behemoth Rapid Blue — which boasts a sizeable roster of programming and over 300 formats — from the Beeb), Khaya probably thought she was way too busy.

Two long tables were tastefully laid out, and I found myself seated next to Michael Ellingworth, who reminded me we first met when he was Moët Hennessy marketing manager for South Africa. After a three-year stint in Southeast Asia, Michael is back in the country and now helms marketing for the premium house of LVMH brands through its local distributor RGBC.

Glenmorangie is in the stable, and I express surprise at its new brighter branding, which isn’t what you’d expect from a heritage whisky brand.

Turns out that’s the point, and a new campaign in which Khaya and two other African storytellers visit the Scottish Highlands distillery is part of that refresh.

Whisky lovers will be glad to know the brew itself hasn’t changed, and we savoured the 12-year-old and 18-year-old with our mains: an option of orange- and cumin-marinated chicken with corn salsa and chilli herb butter sauce, roasted seasonal vegetable curry with coconut rice, or charcoal-fired ribeye with red pepper jam. Meanwhile, the chocolatey-tasting Signet proved to be a good complement to a dessert of gingerbread tacos filled with chocolate and passionfruit and lightly dusted churros.

The Madlanga commission also increased the pressure on errant North West businessman Suliman Carrim, ordering him to provide details of his movements and medical treatment as part of his application to postpone his testimony on medical grounds.

The businessman, who has not attended the commission for weeks due to alleged ill health, was spotted in a Western Cape mall.

Carrim’s postponement application, which was scheduled to be heard on Friday, was postponed after technical problems emerged.

Evidence leader advocate Matthew Chaskalson told the commission that Carrim’s application, including a request for an in-camera hearing, had only been accessed by the commission at about 3am on Friday.

Carrim wants his postponement to be held in camera, as it deals with his medical treatment and family movement, which may impact their safety.

The phrase ‘Madlanga sick bay’ has become synonymous with a growing list of last-minute medical postponements involving key witnesses

Proceedings got off to a rocky start this week when Idac head advocate Andrea Johnson became the latest casualty to be admitted to what has become known as the “Madlanga sick bay” after she was rushed to hospital by her security detail shortly before she was due to testify.

A frustrated commission chairperson, justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga, described the medical certificate submitted on Johnson’s behalf as “useless”, saying it provided virtually no meaningful information about her condition.

The phrase “Madlanga sick bay” has become synonymous with a growing list of last-minute medical postponements involving key witnesses.

Before Johnson’s no-show, Carrim, Crime Intelligence boss Maj-Gen Feroz Khan and Medicare24 chief executive Michael van Wyk had all failed to testify after submitting medical certificates.

Khan was admitted to hospital after being shot.

However, it emerged on Friday that Johnson had returned to work, while Khan had been discharged from Milpark Hospital after being admitted following an apparent assassination attempt.

Johnson had been scheduled to answer questions regarding Idac’s investigation and her association with Khan, as evidence of her allegedly leaking a complaint to the Crime Intelligence boss was presented to the commission over a week ago.

With Johnson absent, investigator Brian Padayachee spent several days under intense questioning as the commission examined Idac’s investigation into Khumalo and several senior Crime Intelligence officials.

At the centre of the criminal case is the appointment of Brig Dineo Mokwele, which formed the basis of the charges against Khumalo and the stringent bail conditions imposed on him

Padayachee struggled to explain why specific charges had been brought against Khumalo and his co-accused, while commissioners questioned whether the matter even fell within Idac’s legislative mandate.

Central to the commission’s inquiry was whether the investigation formed part of a broader agenda to remove Khumalo as head of Crime Intelligence.

Khan’s name again surfaced during proceedings when it emerged that he had submitted one of the witness statements relied upon during the investigation. Commissioners heard that portions of Khan’s affidavit closely resembled Padayachee’s affidavit, which had been used to secure the arrests of Khumalo and other senior police officers.

At the centre of the criminal case is the appointment of Brig Dineo Mokwele, which formed the basis of the charges against Khumalo and the stringent bail conditions imposed on him.

Evidence before the commission revealed that National Coloured Congress MP Fadiel Adams first approached the SAPS with allegations against Khumalo and several senior Crime Intelligence officers.

Padayachee had subsequently arrested Khumalo, Mokwele, Maj-Gen Nosipho Madondo, Maj-Gen Philani Lushaba and Gauteng Crime Intelligence head Maj-Gen Josia Lekalakala.

He testified that he never personally saw Adams’s referral but instead received instructions from chief investigator Dylan Perumal before taking over the investigation.

Evidence leader advocate Mahlape Sello criticised Padayachee over statements contained in his affidavit that led to the arrests of Mokwele and others, despite what Sello said was a lack of evidence supporting the charges.

At some stage, Padayachee said charging Mokwele was on the basis that she could commit a crime in future while occupying the position she was hired into at Crime Intelligence.

Padayachee struggled to point at Mokwele’s possible criminal offence from the facts at his disposal as he faces accusations of overreach and abuse of power

“You formulate a charge, get a warrant of arrest, get people arrested, appear in court and continue to do so on the basis of something you say, fairly so; you say, ‘We don’t know, maybe in future she is going to do that.’ How does that sound right?” asked commissioner Sisi Baloyi.

Padayachee struggled to point at Mokwele’s possible criminal offence from the facts at his disposal as he faces accusations of overreach and abuse of power.

The Idac investigator sought to distance himself from the charges, saying they were determined by a prosecutor after reading his affidavit.

During Padayachee’s evidence, Madlanga repeatedly questioned whether Idac had jurisdiction to investigate the complaint in terms of section 27 of the NPA Act.

The chairperson suggested that Adams’s allegations amounted to little more than unsubstantiated suspicions and questioned whether the statutory threshold for Idac’s involvement had ever been met.

Although Padayachee conceded that the section 27 threshold had not been satisfied, he maintained that Mokwele’s appointment could potentially have enabled manipulation of tenders.

On Wednesday Madlanga was also frustrated following an application to postpone the long-awaited testimony of alleged underworld figure Vusimusi “Cat” Matlala.

His attorney, Annelene van den Heever, sought a postponement after requesting access to records of engagements between Matlala and Idac relating to a failed plea agreement in the corruption case involving the multimillion-rand Medicare24 SAPS tender.

Matlala is now expected to testify before the commission in September, while Johnson is expected to appear in the coming week.

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Geordin Hill-Lewis has admitted that his relationship with former DA leader John Steenhuisen has been left bruised by the fallout from the party’s bitter leadership shake-up, saying it will take time before the pair rebuild their once-close political partnership.

In an interview with the Sunday Times ahead of the DA’s federal council meeting yesterday,

Hill-Lewis admitted his relationship with Steenhuisen was bruised by the fallout from the party’s leadership shake-up. It would take time before the pair rebuilt their political once-close political partnership.

Hill-Lewis, who was elected to replace Steenhuisen at the DA federal congress in April, indicated this week he had read the riot act to his predecessor, telling him to stop speaking negatively about the party in public.

The DA leader, who is also the mayor of Cape Town and has a long-standing friendship with Steenhuisen, was speaking to the Sunday Times ahead of the party’s federal council meeting held in Johannesburg on Saturday.

The federal council, the DA’s policy-making and governing body, yesterday met for the first time since the blue party was rocked by a scandal in which Steenhuisen told News24 how a company owned by former DA leader Tony Leon was using its proximity to DA ministers for the benefit of its clients.

It’s going to take some time for John and me to find each other

Geordin Hill-Lewis, DA leader

The DA leader acknowledged for the first time the personal cost of his decision to remove Steenhuisen from his post as agriculture minister, while insisting he had no regrets about it.

“It’s going to take some time for John and me to find each other,” he said.

“But I have a lot of affection for him. I always have. I ...really hope he does a great job, and I 100% support him in doing a great job [as deputy minister] in the trade & industry portfolio. I think he has a lot of talent and value to add there, and I genuinely wish him the best.”

The candid admission comes weeks after Steenhuisen’s explosive interview and his public clash with Leon plunged the party into fresh turmoil, overshadowing Hill-Lewis’s leadership overhaul and reigniting questions about divisions at the top of the party.

The controversy was expected to dominate Saturday’s federal council meeting. “I have no doubt that this will come up at FedCo,” Hill-Lewis said.

But he was unapologetic about sidelining his predecessor. “I think removing him was the right decision for the country and for the party. I’ll defend it to anyone.”

He dismissed claims that Steenhuisen’s remarks exposed misconduct in the DA, accusing political opponents of manufacturing a scandal where none existed.

“It’s almost laughable. There is just one thing conspicuously and glaringly absent from any of this, and that is a single suggestion of any wrongdoing by anyone,” he said.

He has to stop these distractions that give his political opponents the opportunity to have fun and try to make hay, even if there is absolutely no substance whatsoever

Hill-Lewis

“I don’t think there is actually anything that needs addressing. John made a comment; that comment was jumped on by our political opponents, and they made hay of it, but there was nothing there to sustain it.”

Hill-Lewis said he had personally urged Steenhuisen to leave the controversy behind and focus on his new role.

“I have spoken to John Steenhuisen. I said we have to focus on the positive work he has to do at trade & industry. He has to stop these distractions that give his political opponents the opportunity to have fun and try to make hay, even if there is absolutely no substance whatsoever.”

Hill-Lewis praised Steenhuisen’s record in government, pointing to his work in opening export markets for South African agricultural products. “He has achievements under his belt in the trade space from agriculture. He did good work getting various new fruit products into new export markets in China and beyond,” he said.

“That is the kind of niche he made for himself, and he really scored some wins there. He must now go and build on those successes, replicate them, and work positively — head down, focused on the goal in the trade & industry portfolio.”

Hill-Lewis also criticised Steenhuisen’s public dispute with Leon, saying it had gifted the DA’s rivals an unnecessary political opportunity.

“The public disagreement he’s had with the other former leader, Tony Leon, has absolutely not been helpful and has been jumped on by our opponents to try and sensationalise that which is really just nothing. Hopefully it’s over now and John can focus positively on the work that they have.”

When I presented my credentials to President Cyril Ramaphosa in October 2021, I told him it was a professional honour to represent my country in South Africa and a personal privilege to do so in the country where I had been born 50 years earlier. Both have most definitely turned out to be true.

I am proud of the work that we have done with so many South African stakeholders through our partnerships on inclusive economic growth, skills, climate and the energy transition, health, science and technology, tackling gender-based violence, and more.

All rest on a deep sense of trust built with ministers and officials at national, provincial and municipal level. And on a commitment to working together to understand the challenges South Africa faces, design solutions to them, and then implement them, together.

Making our shared goals a reality also rests on a range of key players: our implementing partners for programmes, international allies and, crucially, the private sector. The best example of where this has come together is our work with France, Germany, Denmark, the Netherlands and the EU — the “International Partners Group” (IPG) — to support South Africa’s ambition for a just energy transition.

With my IPG colleagues I was pleased to pay a farewell call on electricity & energy minister Kgosientsho Ramokgopa just before I left my post. We reflected on the progress made over the five years of our just energy transition partnership that was launched at COP21 in Glasgow in November 2021. There is clearly much more to do, but the sense of momentum is clear, and investment and other financing are starting to flow, including from the private sector.

In November 2022 Ramaphosa was the first head of state to be invited to make a state visit to London by King Charles

A focus on boosting UK investment has been a constant theme of our work. The UK is the biggest international investor in South Africa, directly supporting more than 100,000 jobs and, indirectly, many more. It’s been a pleasure working with the many UK companies here. I would like to commend both the British Chamber of Business in Southern Africa and the South African Chamber of Commerce in the UK for their significant contribution to this vital link between the two countries.

While there have been many highlights of the engagement between our governments, three stand out. In November 2022 Ramaphosa was the first head of state to be invited to make a state visit to London by King Charles.

As well as celebrating the modern-day relationship between South Africa and the UK at the highest level, new partnerships were announced on science, health, gender equality and other priorities. Royal engagement continued after that with visits to South Africa by the duke of Edinburgh (January 2023), the prince of Wales (November 2024), and the princess royal (January 2025).

There was another historic moment last year, when South Africa chaired the first G20 summit in Africa. As well as working closely with the hosts across the many ministerial tracks, we were pleased to welcome the prime minister Keir Starmer, foreign secretary, chancellor of the exchequer, and a number of other ministers and senior UK officials for bilateral programmes.

It was a wonderful showcase for all parts of the country. Visits to the square kilometre array radio telescopes in the Northern Cape and the development ministerial in Skukuza in the Kruger National Park were particularly memorable.

Alongside all of the G20 activity, Ramaphosa and Starmer co-chaired the eighth replenishment of the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, TB and Malaria, illustrating our shared commitment to global health action to fight these diseases.

Then, most recently, we were delighted that South Africa agreed to cohost the Global Partnerships Conference in London in May this year, along with the UK, British International Investment and the Children’s Investment Fund Foundation.

This brought together governments, business leaders, philanthropies, and civil society focused on improving access to finance, speeding up access to knowledge, skills, and technology, and putting countries and communities at the heart of solutions to global challenges.

There was a particular focus on ending violence against women and girls, which has long been a priority for both South Africa and the UK. It was a great way to build on our engagement through the G20 year.

As I said to President Ramaphosa in October 2021, it has been a professional honour to be part of this work, and more, over the past five years.

In an increasingly complicated world, it is vital that we build what my foreign secretary calls “agile alliances” with such countries as South Africa, a key leadership voice in both the Global South and global organisations such as the UN, World Ttrade Organisation, World Health Organisation and, of course, the G20. We need to be conscious of our shared history, as well as focused on the future.

And, as I also said to the president, it really has been a personal privilege to be here. My wife, Julie, and I have loved exploring the country. We will miss the warmth of the people as well as the weather.

We have made many firm friends, and we will definitely be back. Until then, I will certainly be keeping an eye out for developments here and I am sure that my successors will continue the important partnerships we have in and with this wonderful country.

• Phillipson is outgoing UK high commissioner.

In those few words, he acknowledged that successive failures to heed Eskom’s warnings on generation capacity and infrastructure investment had precipitated the 2007–2008 electricity crisis.

The cost of those policy failures has been immense. Conservative estimates place the economic losses at between R300bn and R500bn, while broader studies suggest the cumulative impact of load-shedding may have exceeded R2.8-trillion.

Beyond the financial toll, the crisis eroded investor confidence, constrained economic growth, destroyed jobs and undermined South Africa’s industrial competitiveness.

Today, Eskom stands in a markedly different position. Under its current board and executive leadership, the utility has engineered a remarkable operational recovery, restoring generation performance, ending load-shedding and charting a path towards long-term financial and institutional sustainability. These achievements deserve recognition.

Yet South Africa has not escaped the consequences of the lost decade. While the electricity crisis has eased, its economic scars remain deep, and the economy is still in recovery.

Against this backdrop, the debate over Eskom’s unbundling assumes profound national significance. The question is no longer whether Eskom can keep the lights on but whether South Africa can implement governance reforms that deliver a reliable, competitive and investable electricity sector without repeating the policy failures of the past.

Before turning to the substance of the debate, it is important to separate the noise from the signal.

On the fundamental question, there is no real disagreement. Both the government and the Eskom board are aligned on the imperative to unbundle the utility as part of the broader reform of South Africa’s energy sector.

The divergence lies not in the destination, but in the implementation architecture and strategy required to get there.

The signal emanating from the Eskom board is a cautionary one: South Africa must not repeat the costly mistakes of the past by allowing decisions of such strategic importance to be driven by political expediency or narrow commercial interests.

South Africa has already paid an extraordinary price for governance failures in the electricity sector. The challenge now is to implement reforms that strengthen institutional resilience, preserve public value, promote fair competition and secure long-term energy security.

Ultimately, this should not be framed as a contest between state ownership and market liberalisation

Despite its operational and financial recovery, Eskom continues to face significant structural risks, including dependence on government support, a Nersa-regulated revenue framework, pressure to keep electricity tariffs affordable, and mounting municipal debt compounded by electricity distribution losses.

These constraints continue to threaten Eskom’s long-term financial sustainability, reinforcing the need for reforms that strengthen — not weaken — the utility’s institutional resilience.

Proponents of accelerated unbundling — principally organised businesses and prospective market participants that stand to benefit from a more liberalised electricity market — risk missing the forest for the trees. While their arguments are grounded in sound governance principles, they tend to place disproportionate emphasis on market liberalisation and investor certainty at the expense of the broader public and national interest.

Business Leadership South Africa (BLSA) is right to insist that Eskom should implement shareholder-approved policy rather than redefine it through operational decisions or public advocacy.

Equally persuasive is its call for transparency, policy certainty, competitive neutrality and investor confidence. These are indispensable features of a modern electricity market.

However, good governance is not synonymous with rigid policy implementation divorced from operational realities, nor should competition become an end in itself. Public policy must reconcile competing constitutional, economic and strategic interests.

In Eskom’s case, those interests extend beyond investors to encompass energy security, affordability, fiscal sustainability, industrial competitiveness and the protection of strategic national infrastructure.

The debate, therefore, is not whether Eskom should be unbundled — that question has long been settled — but whether the manner and pace of implementation best serve South Africa’s long-term interests while safeguarding Eskom’s sustainability.

The competing narratives are straightforward.

Eskom argues that its revised model preserves public ownership of strategic transmission assets, provides an orderly transition, balances competition with system security, and builds on the utility’s improving operational and financial performance.

BLSA, by contrast, contends that the model departs from settled government policy by compromising the institutional independence of the future transmission system operator (TSO), thereby weakening competitive neutrality, investor confidence and regulatory certainty.

Both positions have merit. Yet the debate has become polarised around a proposition that the law does not expressly require. The Electricity Regulation Amendment Act establishes the framework for an independent and impartial TSO but does not mandate the immediate transfer of transmission assets out of Eskom Holdings. It requires institutional independence and operational neutrality, not a prescribed ownership structure.

That distinction is crucial. Independence of function does not necessarily require immediate separation of asset ownership. If the governance framework can demonstrably guarantee operational independence, transparent market access, effective regulatory oversight and freedom from conflicts of interest, the objectives of the act can be achieved without exposing Eskom to unnecessary financial, operational or balance-sheet risks at a time when it is only beginning to recover from more than a decade of institutional decline.

Ultimately, this should not be framed as a contest between state ownership and market liberalisation. The real challenge is to design a governance model that protects the public interest, secures Eskom’s long-term sustainability, inspires investor confidence and delivers the competitive electricity market envisioned by parliament.

These objectives are not mutually exclusive; they are mutually reinforcing when pursued with prudence, discipline and fidelity to both the letter and spirit of the law.

With barely two years remaining in President Cyril Ramaphosa’s term, the question is no longer whether electricity market reform should proceed, but at what cost.

How far should market liberalisation be pursued if, in the process, it compromises Eskom’s long-term financial sustainability or undermines the nation’s broader socioeconomic imperatives of ensuring electricity that is accessible, affordable, reliable and universally available?

The ultimate measure of success will not be the speed of reform, but whether it delivers a resilient electricity sector that advances both economic competitiveness and the public interest.

• Khaas is chair of Public Interest South Africa and director of The Ethics Academy.

The most urgent solution lies in co-ordinated HR, judicial and regulatory action, with the Health Professions Council of South Africa (HPCSA) empowered to investigate and punish doctors who collude in issuing false certificates.

The abuse of medical certificates before the Madlanga commission mirrors evasive tactics seen in courts and tribunals. Prof Alan Rycroft at the University of Cape Town (UCT) has argued that dishonesty in labour relations erodes the trust relationship and justifies dismissal, citing Commission for Conciliation, Mediation & Arbitration (CCMA ) precedents where fraudulent sick notes were treated as gross misconduct.

Similarly, University of the Western Cape Prof Darcy du Toit emphasises that procedural fairness requires both investigation and sanction when fraudulent documentation is presented, aligning with the Labour Relations Act’s insistence on substantive and procedural fairness.

Courts have consistently rejected “sick note tricks”. Magistrates and judges have demanded independent verification and treated fraudulent medical certificates as contempt of court. In S v Mamabolo (2001), the Constitutional Court underscored that obstruction of justice undermines constitutional imperatives. Sethene AJ in Epibiz v CCMA (2023) warned that doctors must remain true to the Hippocratic Oath and not become accomplices in deception.

The CCMA has upheld dismissals for fraudulent sick notes, reinforcing that dishonesty undermines trust in employment relationships

Grant Reagon Son

Regulators across sectors have acted decisively. The Legal Practice Council has disbarred attorneys for fraudulent documentation, while the South African Council for Educators has struck educators off the roll for fraudulent medical claims.

The HPCSA is central to resolving this issue. Prof Ames Dhai of Wits University’s Steve Biko Centre for Bioethics has argued that issuing misleading medical reports violates ethical duties and must attract harsh sanctions. The HPCSA’s disciplinary framework allows for suspension, deregistration, and criminal referral. Co-ordinated action should require commissions to refer all dubious sick notes to the HPCSA, mandate urgent investigations, and impose sanctions that send a clear deterrent message.

Comparative case law from the Truth & Reconciliation Commission and Zondo commission demonstrates that evasive tactics undermine truth-seeking. Prof Hugh Corder of UCT has emphasised that commissions must uphold constitutional values by rejecting fraudulent excuses. The CCMA has upheld dismissals for fraudulent sick notes, reinforcing that dishonesty undermines trust in employment relationships.

Fraudulent sick notes undermine justice, governance and professional ethics. The solution lies in decisive, punitive and ethically grounded accountability, with the HPCSA playing a central role.

— Grant Reagon Son

Strangers to ubuntu

For years, we have raised the alarm regarding xenophobia in South Africa. Each time, we are met with a tired chorus of excuses: “South Africans are not xenophobic; they are simply raising genuine socioeconomic concerns,” or “they are under pressure”.

If we accept this logic, we must be prepared to apply it universally. If economic strain justifies the targeting of fellow Africans, are we prepared to excuse all criminal activity born of poverty? Shall we excuse gender-based violence (GBV) and bigotry by claiming the perpetrators are merely “frustrated men”? If we validate xenophobia as a “genuine issue”, we strip ourselves of the moral authority to condemn any other form of social transgression. We can no longer demand awareness; we must accept the chaotic consequences of our own double standards.

The tragedy of this xenophobic sentiment is its profound ignorance of our own history. Proponents of this “South Africans first” ideology seem blissfully unaware of the migration patterns that define the Bantu-speaking peoples. Linguistic and archaeological evidence, most notably the Bantu expansion, confirms that our ancestors were not static inhabitants of this land. Research, including findings in the Journal of African History, traces the origins of the Nguni, Sotho-Tswana and related groups to migrations originating from the Great Lakes region through Central Africa and the Congo Basin. To claim “indigenous” purity over our fellow Africans is to reject the very history that defines who we are as abantu.

Where is the ubuntu we brandish on our foreheads like a badge of honour? Compassion, love and care have been replaced by a barbaric glee at the displacement and suffering of others

Khotso KD Moleko, Mangaung

Furthermore, by weaponising colonial borders, we become the unwitting agents of the Berlin Conference. If we treat these arbitrary lines — drawn by European powers to carve up our continent — as sacred, how can we legitimately claim that colonialism was an evil? We are effectively completing the colonial project by doing the work of the oppressor: dividing and conquering ourselves.

Consider the irony: as a nation, we have shown immense, perhaps unprecedented, grace. We chose to forgive centuries of slavery, colonial subjugation, and the brutal reality of apartheid. We enshrined the rights of our former oppressors within our constitution and have not once marched to demand that white South Africans return to Europe. Yet, within a mere 30 years of democracy, we are dismantling the hope that the rest of the continent placed in us. We have traded the pan-African dream for a petty, provincial hatred.

It is no longer white supremacists calling Africans “baboons”; that dehumanising slur has been adopted by black South Africans against their own kin. Where is the ubuntu we brandish on our foreheads like a badge of honour? Compassion, love and care have been replaced by a barbaric glee at the displacement and suffering of others.

We cannot demand to be taken seriously on the global stage when we act as the primary saboteurs of our own African identity. If we continue to view our brothers and sisters as “foreigners” on African soil, we ensure that we remain foreigners to the very values of humanity we claim to uphold.

— Khotso KD Moleko, Mangaung

Retract this foul smear

Dear Mr Tsedu, I enjoy your articles so much but I was thoroughly disappointed to read “Why I supported France against Morocco”, where you repeat a thoroughly disputed claim that “some powerful Cameroonian official” demanded a bribe for Mbappé to play for Cameroon.

This puts Africa in a very bad light and reinforces the oft-repeated lie that we Africans are the most corrupt people in the world. Never mind that the story itself has been disputed several times by Mbappé’s father.

And this, coming from a journalist that I hold in very high regard is so heartbreaking for me. I hope you retract that in your next column and restore the dignity of us Africans and that of the Sunday Times.

— Raphael Mlauzi, Cape Town

Buy satellites for Telkom

Former DA leader John Steenhuisen exposed a clique that pulls strings behind the scenes from within and without the party walls. The minister of communications & digital technologies, Solly Malatsi, is not even ashamed to feign innocence. This is despite Malatsi’s complicity in machinations to scrap the 30% sale of equity for broad-based BEE ownership in favour of Starlink.

Malatsi is an enabler in the ambition to circumvent the law. Malatsi’s policy directive sought to introduce a façade investment programme as an alternative to a working model of equity equivalents. It was plain manoeuvring for the exclusive benefit of Starlink, whose proprietor has no desire to comply with B-BBEE.

The government should intervene and allocate capital for Telkom to venture into the satellite service space in a similar fashion to how it entered the mobile telephone market. That would be a foundation for stimulating a flow of foreign investments to broaden participation and increase job opportunities.

— Morgan Phaahla, Ekurhuleni

This week Herotel, a fibre and wireless operator that has built a business connecting the small towns, farms and townships the big networks bypassed, announced a distribution agreement with Amazon Leo, the low earth orbit (LEO) satellite network formerly known as Project Kuiper.

Through a new service called Evry, Herotel will sell Amazon’s satellite broadband to households and small businesses across all nine provinces, at speeds of up to 300Mbps, with commercial launch expected in 2027.

In short, Amazon, not Starlink, will be the first low-orbit constellation legally beamed into South African living rooms. Elon Musk’s service, available in 27 other African countries, remains locked out of the market of his birth. Icasa (the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa) confirmed in June that Starlink has still not lodged a single licence application.

Amazon routed round that requirement. Instead of demanding its own licence, it sells wholesale capacity to partners who already hold the licences. First Vodacom signed up to use Amazon Leo to connect remote 4G and 5G base stations across Africa. Now Herotel is doing the same for the home market.

Herotel is owned by Maziv, the fibre group in which Vodacom holds a 30% stake. The consumer satellite play thus touches down inside the same ecosystem that already carries Amazon’s backhaul business. While Starlink waits for the law to change, Amazon has assembled a South African distribution machine.

None of this would have surprised Kyle Whitehill, CEO of Avanti Communications, a leading provider of “agile satellite technology” across Europe, the Middle East and Africa.

During a visit to Johannesburg last week, before the Herotel news broke, he predicted almost exactly this sequence of events.

We can thank Elon Musk for helping make satellite mainstream. And we can thank competition for bringing prices down to where it’s reasonably competitive

Kyle Whitehill, Avanti Communications CEO

Whitehill ran Vodafone operations in Ghana, India and Qatar, and spent a year at the helm of Liquid Telecom in South Africa, where he merged Liquid and Neotel. Avanti, which he has led for eight years, operates geostationary satellites, with 75% of its network capacity over Sub-Saharan Africa, and gateway earth stations in South Africa, Nigeria and Senegal.

“We can thank Elon Musk for helping make satellite mainstream,” he told Business Times. “And we can thank competition for bringing prices down to where it’s reasonably competitive.”

The consumer market, he said, belongs to the LEO players. “They’re going to deliver a very compelling consumer-to-the-home product. In North America, they’ve completely devastated the traditional satellite-to-the-home market.”

He was speaking about Starlink, but the logic applies equally to Amazon Leo, which beams in a crucial local advantage: a support structure comprising 120 Herotel offices, 1,400 staff and close to 500 service vehicles. The standard objection to satellite broadband, that support resides on another continent, evaporates when the installer is based up the road.

About three years ago, Avanti wrestled with a simple question for MTN: is Starlink a friend or an enemy? Mobile operators were relaxed at the time, because they owned the customer relationship. Then came direct-to-device satellite connectivity, which bypassed the mobile operator altogether.

However, about 80% of mobile data is consumed indoors, where satellite signals struggle to reach.

“You can’t build an entire mobile business around direct satellite connectivity,” said Whitehall. “Most people don’t really mind if they lose signal for 10 seconds while driving between towns.”

Avanti has planted its satellite dish on the opposite side of that debate. “We’re the friendly partner,” said Whitehill. “We’re not trying to replace mobile operators. We’re trying to strengthen what they already have.”

In practice, that means satellite backhaul for about 1,000 rural villages in Nigeria on behalf of MTN, in communities where terrestrial infrastructure cannot earn its keep. Or keeping point-of-sale systems running at remote Spar stores across South Africa, in places fibre will never go.

Avanti has launched four geostationary satellites, each costing about $400m (R6.5bn) and taking as long as eight years to design and build. Whitehill does not believe it will ever do so again.

“Instead, we’ll increasingly buy much smaller satellites,” he said. “They will cost a fraction of the price. They’ll focus on very specific geographies.”

Where Avanti’s HYLAS 4 satellite covers all of Sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East and much of Europe, the next generation could be dedicated to a single country.

“Rather than covering half the world,” said Whitehill, “they cover exactly the geography we need.”

Story audio is generated using AI

South Africans have every right to debate the effectiveness of commissions of inquiry. But meaningful scrutiny must be grounded in logic, evidence and context, not on false equivalence.

A curious narrative has recently emerged in public discourse. The Madlanga commission is increasingly being compared with the judicial commission of inquiry into allegations of state capture, chaired by chief justice Raymond Zondo. The implication is that because the Madlanga commission appears to be producing more immediate investigative momentum, dramatic arrests and highly publicised prosecutions, the Zondo commission was somehow slow, ineffective, or lacking in impact.

This comparison is fundamentally flawed. It compares two commissions established for different purposes, operating under different terms of reference, equipped with different institutional resources and expected to deliver different outcomes. It violates perhaps the most basic principle of sound analysis: to compare like with like.

The Zondo commission was never intended to investigate a single institution. It was tasked with exposing the architecture of state capture across the entire South African state.

It investigated Eskom, Transnet, Denel, South African Airways, Prasa, Bosasa, Sars, the intelligence services, cabinet decision-making and procurement systems across government. It sought to find how organised corruption penetrated and compromised the machinery of the democratic state.

By contrast, the Madlanga commission has a far narrower mandate, focusing only on allegations of criminality and institutional failures within the law-enforcement environment. That is an immensely important assignment. But it is not comparable to the task that was before the Zondo commission.

Unlike the Madlanga commission, the Zondo commission did not operate alongside a dedicated police task team mandated to execute arrests

Justice Zondo conducted the inquiry as the sole commissioner, while justice Madlanga serves alongside two additional commissioners. The Zondo commission reconstructed years of corruption primarily through procurement records, financial transactions, official correspondence and extensive e-mail exchanges across hundreds of institutions.

By comparison, the Madlanga commission has benefited from the prevalence of encrypted messaging platforms such as WhatsApp, which often provide immediate chronological records of communications. Technological developments naturally influence the pace and character of investigations. Unlike the Madlanga commission, the Zondo commission did not operate alongside a dedicated police task team mandated to execute arrests.

An honest examination of the historical record demonstrates that the Zondo commission delivered substantial returns. When measured against financial recoveries, prosecutions, legislative amendments and institutional reforms, the narrative that it achieved little collapses under the weight of evidence.

Over four years, more than 300 witnesses testified under oath, and thousands of documents were analysed. No previous commission in democratic South Africa has attempted an investigation of comparable breadth or complexity.

Its work directly informed investigations by the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), resulting in more than 200 criminal investigation referrals. Former MP Vincent Smith is already serving a prison sentence arising from matters linked to evidence uncovered during the inquiry. More than 50 individuals and companies are currently before the courts, while numerous additional investigations remain under way.

Financial recoveries have been equally significant. The Special Investigating Unit, together with the Asset Forfeiture Unit and Sars, has recovered or returned more than R17bn linked to state capture-era corruption.

Against an estimated commission cost of approximately R1bn, recoveries alone have exceeded expenditure many times over. Beyond financial recovery, the commission reshaped South Africa’s anti-corruption architecture. It exposed weaknesses in the state’s investigative capacity, contributing directly to the establishment of the permanent Investigating Directorate Against Corruption within the NPA.

The first rule of honest analysis is simple: compare apples with apples. By that standard alone, the case against the Zondo commission collapses

These are precisely the outcomes commissions of inquiry are intended to produce. Their value cannot be measured by the number of televised arrests or dramatic prosecutions.

Unfortunately, the government itself bears some responsibility for allowing misleading narratives to flourish. Progress in prosecutions, asset recovery, legislative reform and institutional renewal has not been communicated consistently or coherently. That communication vacuum has enabled detractors to peddle the falsehood that “nothing happened” after the commission concluded its work. Nothing could be further from the truth.

The Zondo commission did not merely investigate corruption. It documented how constitutional governance itself came under systematic assault and provided South Africa with a roadmap for rebuilding institutional integrity.

Equally, the Madlanga commission is making significant and commendable progress within its own terms of reference. Every credible commission that advances accountability deserves public support. But supporting one commission should never require discrediting another through intellectually dishonest comparisons.

Commissions of inquiry should be judged against the mandates they were given, the constitutional responsibilities they were entrusted to fulfil and the institutional environments within which they operated, not against politically convenient narratives or superficial comparisons.

History will judge the Zondo commission by the enduring legacy it leaves behind in the form of billions of rands recovered, prosecutions under way, institutions strengthened, legislation reformed and an authoritative historical record that exposed the mechanics of state capture.

The first rule of honest analysis is simple: compare apples with apples. By that standard alone, the case against the Zondo commission collapses.

• Monama is a communication specialist. He writes in his personal capacity

Five metres in front of him, Lungi Ngidi applauded himself. He’d just produced a dipping, curving slower ball that made Buttler — still one of the most devastating limited overs batters on the circuit — dance.

And he nearly tripped over himself. “I know I’m going to keep doing it. Batters know I’m going to keep doing it,” Ngidi smiled.

“It” being a slower ball that is now one of the deadliest weapons in the sport. That ball in the second ODI of South Africa’s series against England last year, was recognised as the Delivery of the Year at the annual Cricket SA Awards on Thursday.

pic.twitter.com/FYASfGsQlY

— Proteas Men (@ProteasMenCSA) June 18, 2026

It’s the perfect illustration of the bowler Ngidi has become and why, after years operating in the shadow of the kind of express pacemen for which the Proteas are famous — Kagiso Rabada, Anrich Nortje, Marco Jansen — he is now getting his flowers.

Among the three awards he picked up was the Fans’ Favourite Player. That may seem a contrived prize, but in Ngidi’s case it is one to be valued.

So much love

Not since his Test debut, when he picked up seven second innings wickets, including that of Virat Kohli, to seal a series win against India, has Ngidi been the recipient of so much love from the South African public.

It is certainly warranted after what he’s produced in the last year.

The turning point was last year’s World Test Championship final. That match started ignominiously for Ngidi who conceded 45 runs in eight overs, providing fodder for those who had questioned his selection for that match. “I was beating myself up a bit,” he recalled.

“KG [Rabada] told me afterwards to ‘go have a hamburger and a milkshake and you’ll be okay’. There wasn’t much conversation. I got back to the hotel, showered, ordered the burger and shake, dozed off, woke up the next morning, got to the field, and then it was a case of, ‘what’s done is done’.”

Ngidi bowled nine consecutive overs in Australia’s second innings, took 3/38, and ripped the initiative in his team’s favour.

It was a performance that gave him belief. Ngidi had been omitted from the 2024 T20 World Cup squad and, before Lord’s, had not played a Test in eight months. “I can never say I deserve to be in the team. You’re playing for South Africa, you don’t own a spot in any international team,” he said.

New-found self-confidence

Following what for a time had been a fractious relationship with Shukri Conrad, Ngidi explained how the Proteas coach’s support has been crucial to his new-found self-confidence.

“I’m glad we have the type of coach where public opinion doesn’t matter to him. [Shuks and I] don’t speak a lot, but we understand each other. A simple nod or a handshake, that’s all I need from him.

“I understand that he picks me to do a job. If I’m not doing that job, he’s going to drop me. To pick me after eight months of not playing Test cricket — and everyone had something to say — the first innings [in the WTC final] didn’t help me much, but then bowling a spell that maybe changes the game for the team and then all of a sudden everyone is back on your side again.

There’s more balls I’m working on, I’m not trying to be a magician, but I’m trying to stay ahead of the game

Lungi Ngidi, Proteas fast bowler

“You see how quickly things can change. You don’t take anything to heart. When it’s the good times, just run with it.”

Ngidi has done just that. The Buttler ball was preceded by his second ODI “five-for”, which sealed a series win in Australia. Thereafter came his starring role at the T20 World Cup, where Ngidi emerged as one of the foremost seam bowlers in the limited overs formats.

Always an option

“The biggest thing was identifying what we were missing in the team. I’ve tried to build myself into a cricketer where, no matter the conditions, you couldn’t leave me out. If the wicket is sliding on, I can beat the batter in the air, I can bowl a wide slower ball, use the slower ball bouncer, yorkers... but if the pitch is gripping, I can go length and mess with the batter’s swing.

“No matter the conditions, or where we are playing, Lungi is always an option. That was my mindset.”

Ahead of a summer packed with matches across the Test and ODI formats and with a World Cup a year away, being a man for all seasons is a useful attribute. “You have to keep evolving, hey.”

Which means adding to his bag of tricks.

Ngidi put batters on notice by drawing a page from the great Shane Warne’s bowling manual. “There’s more balls I’m working on, I’m not trying to be a magician, but I’m trying to stay ahead of the game.”

Story audio is generated using AI

The chair of the National Council of Provinces (NCOP) may have landed in hot water after embarking on a trip to Russia with an expensive army of officials in tow, apparently without approval from the relevant parliamentary bodies.

The Sunday Times has learnt from well-placed officials and politicians that there was consternation after Refilwe Mtshweni-Tsipane travelled to Moscow this week for bilateral meetings with her Russian counterpart.

There was also unhappiness about the size of the support staff group that accompanied Mtshweni-Tsipane, with eight officials flying Emirates business class to support five MPs.

MPs from the DA and MK Party, among others, also fumed after learning about the trip, saying they had neither been invited nor consulted as per normal parliamentary protocols and practices.

The cheapest return ticket for travel between Cape Town and Moscow via Dubai on Emirates business class was selling for just over R95,000 this week.

The eight officials also claimed more than R48,000 in subsistence and travel allowances.

As the invited principal, the chair was under no obligation to constitute a parliamentary delegation, as the invitation was extended to her in her capacity as chair of the NCOP. Nevertheless, she elected to invite members of parliament to accompany her

Moloto Mothapo, parliament’s spokesperson

There was concern that Mtshweni-Tsipane, a former Mpumalanga premier, did not consult the parliamentary group on international relations (PGIR).

But parliament’s spokesperson, Moloto Mothapo, has strongly defended the trip, arguing that it fell outside the ambit of the PGIR. Mothapo said the trip to the Kremlin had nothing to do with the PGIR since it was a bilateral engagement and not a multilateral affair, which he said was the mandate of the PGIR.

“This engagement falls outside the purview of the PGIR, whose processes apply to multilateral parliamentary engagements,” he said. “The visit to the Russian Federation is a bilateral engagement between the two parliamentary leaders.

“As the invited principal, the chair was under no obligation to constitute a parliamentary delegation, as the invitation was extended to her in her capacity as chair of the NCOP. Nevertheless, she elected to invite members of parliament to accompany her.”

The ANC’s Bheki Radebe, who is one of the co-chairs of the PGIR, also said that Mtshweni-Tsipane was not obliged to consult them on the Russian trip. He said she was only expected to present a post-trip report to them.

Mothapo said parliament only paid for its officials, while the five MPs that accompanied Mtshweni-Tsipane had been sponsored by the Russian parliament.

“The bilateral working visit is being undertaken at the invitation of parliament’s sister institution, the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. In line with established practice for bilateral parliamentary visits of this nature, the inviting institution is responsible for the costs of the parliamentary delegation.

Tax money should rather be spent on doing their job here, in South Africa, where it matters

George Michalakis, DA’s parliamentary leader

“Our parliament is responsible only for the costs associated with the support officials accompanying the delegation. The total cost attributable to parliament will be consolidated and made available in due course.

“The objectives of the visit are to strengthen bilateral parliamentary relations, deepen co-operation under the existing 2014 memorandum of understanding between the two institutions, exchange best practices on parliamentary oversight and law-making, and enhance people-to-people relations between South Africa and the Russian Federation.”

But the DA’s parliamentary leader, George Michalakis, said they were not impressed and would be taking up the issue with National Assembly speaker Thoko Didiza and the committee that oversees parliament’s budget.

“It is astonishing that, whilst portfolio committees and select committees do not have funds to conduct oversight here in South Africa, which is part of parliament’s constitutional role, there is money for the chair of the National Council of Provinces to take a massive delegation to Russia without seemingly consulting anyone or having any regard for the principle of multiparty democracy,” said Michalakis.

“The fact that they went to Russia seems to have come as a surprise not only to us, but also to many senior officials of parliament. I would not be surprised if she did not even consult the speaker herself, since it is well known that the two of them do not sit around the same fire. Tax money should rather be spent on doing their job here, in South Africa, where it matters.”

But other parliamentary officials sympathetic to the delegation to Russia pointed out that parliament’s travel policy allowed them to travel business class on long-haul flights, especially when travelling with politicians flying business class.

The MK Party has said it wants action to be taken against Mtshweni-Tsipane.

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Jayden Adams was part of a new golden generation of South African footballers who carried the promise of taking the local game to even greater heights.

At 25, Adams had already amassed impressive accolades, the main one being the Confederation of African Football Champions League title with Mamelodi Sundowns.

The Betway Premiership and Carling Knockout medals were part of his collection.

The dimming of one of the games brightest lights sent shock waves in the sporting community. The outpouring of love and overwhelming global reaction speaks volumes about the difficulty of facing the reality that Adams will never again be seen in the colours of his club and country.

Adams was honoured when moments of silence were observed at the Fifa World Cup quarterfinal games between Norway and England, as well as Argentina and Switzerland.

Weeks earlier, the unassuming midfield workhorse had graced the global stage in one of the biggest mornings of South African football.

At Estadio Monterrey, Thapelo Maseko’s 63^rd minute goal secured the country a win over South Korea, making Adams part of the Bafana squad that carved a piece of history by becoming the first to progress to the knockout stages of the competition.

Months earlier, he was a member of the Sundowns squad that managed to pitch their tent at the summit of African football by clinching victory, ending a 10-year pursuit of a crown the South African side had not won since their first in 2016.

The first time I met him he was a 15-year-old training with our first team, and he would walk to training after school

Steve Barker, coach

Adams’s skills were honed at Stellenbosch FC academy. His dedication to his craft was rewarded when he became the first standout graduate to ascend to the first team, where he was polished by coach Steve Barker.

Before earning that promotion, he helped the reserve side of the Winelands outfit win the Diski Development Challenge during the 2021-22 season. “The first time I met him he was a 15-year-old training with our first team, and he would walk to training after school. He was a small little kid, and I was always worried that he may just not develop into the young strong man that he became. But his technical ability, even at that age, was just amazing,” said Barker at Adams’s memorial service this week.

“At Stellenbosch, I sometimes felt like he would play in second or third gear, but he was still our best player. He went on to excel at Sundowns, even though I felt he had another gear, and he had the ability to join any club and raise his level to any standard that was required.”

Adams not only became the pride of his parents Juanito and Candice but a hero to the whole Cloetesville and Ida’s Valley communities of the Winelands, which is bedevilled by socio economic challenges like any other impoverished area across the country.

Family spokesperson Brendine Johnson described his close friend as a giving person. “He never wanted people to know what he has done for others, and he always wanted to create hope for the next generation with his football. I remember him as a giver. He loves to help other people. He loves to get involved with off-the-field things. So that’s Jayden Adams [for you].”

In a recent interview on TV show Expresso, his parents spoke heartily about their son’s journey from the beginning of his career, and the family’s pride in seeing one of their own shining on the international stage.

It is against this background that the devastating death of Adams, whose lifeless body was discovered in a flat in Bo-Kaap last Saturday, has dealt a brutal blow to the Bafana cause.

From [a] small age, he used to kick anything that’s round. Whether it’s an onion, whether it’s a potato... and we saw that talent from [when he was] very small

Monica, aunt

The world football fraternity has wrapped the family of the fallen South African star in an embrace of solidarity as the country is still trying to come to terms with the tragedy of the Bafana international who boasted 13 and from whom much more was still expected.

Adams loved and lived football. “From [a] small age, he used to kick anything that’s round. Whether it’s an onion, whether it’s a potato... and we saw that talent from [when he was] very small,” said his aunt Monica.

“But what I also remember [is] that Jayden used to love cake. Ja, my grandma would just buy cake for him, and he would just absorb that cake. Jayden was [also] a very naughty child as well, like any other child. But we are thankful for that, for him.”

Adams’s death follows soon after the passing of his grandmother Marrianna, who departed on the eve of the crucial match against Czechia, where coach Hugo Broos’s team was able to get a point that kept their hopes alive.

His teammate and friend Ronwen Williams, who captains Sundowns and Bafana, could have been speaking for all of us who loved Adams when he said: “We will miss your quality, your passes, your vision and your brotherhood. We will never forget you. We will carry you in our hearts, carry you on our sleeves, carry you on this badge and forever you will remain part of us. Jayden, fly high with the angels. We will continue keeping your legacy alive.”

Admas recently earned a moniker when, in an interview, he said he was now “a grootman” (big brother) when asked about his new “chiskop” (clean-shaven) hairstyle.

Farewell, “Grootman of the Nation”.

The first asked whether the police had failed Andisiwe Kawa. The second asks whether those entrusted to secure justice also bear a duty to account for how that justice is pursued. Those questions are not the same.

For the past 15 years I have had the privilege, and at times the anguish, of walking alongside one of South Africa’s most remarkable women. I have watched her survive an act of unimaginable brutality. I have watched her refuse to surrender when the criminal justice system failed her. I have watched her challenge the state through every level of our courts until the Constitutional Court affirmed a principle that now forms part of South African jurisprudence: that the state can be held accountable when it fails women who are victims of gender-based violence.

Like many South Africans, I believed that judgment marked the end of the story. It did not. It was merely the end of the first chapter. The second chapter is one I never expected to witness. It is the story of what happens when a client who has successfully held the state accountable finds herself asking difficult questions of the very professionals she entrusted to help her achieve that victory. This is not a story about legal fees. Indeed, that aspect of the dispute has already been resolved.

Following mediation, Deneys Reitz (formerly Norton Rose Fulbright South Africa) agreed to reduce its fee claim and repay a substantial amount to Kawa. That financial chapter has closed. The questions that remain are altogether different. If the money has been returned, why does the dispute continue? The answer lies in a word too seldom discussed within the legal profession. Stewardship.

She arrived as a survivor of prolonged sexual violence. She arrived carrying years of trauma, disappointment and institutional failure

Lawyers are fond of speaking about duties of care, fiduciary obligations and professional standards. Those concepts are indispensable. But beneath every legal file lies something profoundly human. A client. A family. A life placed in the hands of another.

When Andisiwe Kawa instructed one of South Africa’s largest commercial law firms, she did not arrive as a sophisticated corporate client engaged in a commercial dispute. She arrived as a survivor of prolonged sexual violence. She arrived carrying years of trauma, disappointment and institutional failure. She was not merely looking for legal representation. She was looking for justice. Justice, however, is not merely measured by judgments.

It is measured by the experience of the journey itself. That is a lesson I have learnt not from textbooks, but from watching one family live through 15 years of litigation.

For lawyers, delay is often measured in court rolls, postponements and procedural timetables. For survivors of profound trauma, delay is measured differently. It is measured in birthdays that pass without closure. In opportunities lost. In careers interrupted. In families that cannot move forward because the past refuses to release its grip. Every adjournment extends uncertainty. Every unanswered question deepens frustration. Every unexplained strategic decision chips away at trust. Justice delayed is justice denied.

But there is another truth that deserves equal attention. Justice poorly stewarded can also become justice prolonged. That observation should not be controversial. Nor should it be mistaken for an accusation. It is a question every profession ought to ask of itself. Doctors ask whether patients were treated with dignity. Accountants ask whether clients received proper advice. Engineers ask whether standards were met.

Surely lawyers should be equally willing to ask whether clients felt informed, respected and carried through the most difficult chapters of their lives with the care that such moments demand. The fee dispute that later emerged between Kawa and her former attorneys was, in my view, never the real dispute. It merely exposed something deeper. It exposed a relationship in which trust had broken down. The financial issues have now been settled. The questions of accountability have not. Those questions are now before the LPC. That is precisely where they belong.

Can lawyers win the case and still owe their client an explanation for how that victory was achieved? I believe they can

The LPC is not asked to determine whether lawyers won an important ConCourt case. History has already answered that. It is asked to consider whether the standards expected of the profession were met throughout that journey. That distinction matters. Much has recently been said about the future of the legal profession, about transformation, public confidence and the role of large law firms in a constitutional democracy.

Those debates are important. But they are incomplete if they focus only on ownership structures, briefing patterns or commercial success. Public confidence in the profession depends just as much on accountability. The greatest institutions are not those that never make mistakes. They are those willing to examine themselves when questions are raised.

I am struck by one final irony. After 15 years of demanding accountability from the state, Andisiwe Kawa now finds herself asking for accountability from a profession whose very purpose is to hold others accountable. Whether one ultimately agrees with every allegation before the Legal Practice Council is almost beside the point. The larger question belongs to all of us.

Can lawyers win the case and still owe their client an explanation for how that victory was achieved? I believe they can. Because a favourable judgment, however historic, is not the only measure of justice. The manner in which justice is pursued matters just as much. If the legal profession asks every other institution to account for its conduct, it must be prepared to do the same when the spotlight turns inward. That is not an attack on the profession. It is the very essence of professionalism.

The ConCourt has already spoken about the state’s duty to account. Now another institution has an opportunity to demonstrate that accountability is not something lawyers demand only of others. It is something they are prepared to demand of themselves.

• Koka is an econometrist and a social commentator whose work engages economics, culture and public thought

At the Cape Town Container Terminal (CTCT), Transnet’s combination of capital investment in modern equipment, operational optimisation and closer collaboration with industry is beginning to deliver tangible results.

While significant work remains to achieve peak performance levels, the evidence suggests the terminal is moving in the right direction, with improvements that are increasingly reflected in key operational indicators.

Comprehensive equipment modernisation

Operational turnarounds do not materialise overnight. They are built on a foundation of targeted and intentional capital injection. Nationally, Transnet Port Terminals (TPT) has committed about R12bn over a three-year period to overhaul cargo-handling equipment. A significant share of this investment will be directed at CTCT, a critical artery for agricultural and manufacturing exports.

The impact of this investment is increasingly visible on the quayside. CTCT recently introduced 28 new rubber-tired gantry (RTG) cranes, four advanced straddle carriers, 47 haulers, 47 trailers and four reach stackers into its operations, marking a significant shift to a more flexible hybrid model. Powered by both diesel and electric systems, the new straddle carriers reduce fuel consumption and emissions while improving container-handling efficiency and stacking capacity.

Combined with advanced tracking technology and comprehensive operator training, these investments are designed to translate directly into faster, more reliable terminal operations.

The new RTGs are equipped with anti-sway technology, high-definition 3D camera systems, and tier 3 diesel-electric hybrid engines; the cranes improve precision, safety and environmental performance. Importantly, they can operate in wind speeds of up to 90km/h, significantly higher than the 72km/h threshold of the previous fleet, aligning their wind tolerance with that of the ship-to-shore cranes.

By increasing equipment availability and improving handling efficiency, the terminal can execute more container moves per hour, giving operational planners breathing room to buffer against delays.

Targeted operational interventions

Initiatives to improve efficiency at CTCT include the addition of a fourth shift (suitable for a 24-hour operation) to enhance employee wellness, a performance-based incentive scheme and real-time performance monitoring.

The terminal is ramping up and sustaining the eight-gang operation, ensuring the optimal utilisation of all eight gates for inbound and outbound traffic.

Collectively, these measures have contributed to improved operational performance and efficiency

Other interventions include:

• strengthening leadership capacity;
• increasing supervisor visibility on the ground; and
• enhancing collaboration with industry stakeholders through ongoing engagement.

Collectively, these measures have contributed to improved operational performance and efficiency.

Additionally, the terminal’s inland Belcon facility in Bellville enables customers to access their imports and empty boxes. Transnet Freight Rail (TFR), together with TPT, is working to repurpose the Belcon facility to optimise and integrate TFR and TPT terminal operation capacity. This will support TFR’s road-to-rail strategy by redirecting trucks when CTCT is windbound and reducing congestion at the terminal.

Driving sustained improvement

The Port of Cape Town has achieved consistent year-on-year improvements. Ship turnaround time at the container terminal improved from 103 hours in financial 2024 to 74 hours in financial 2026. Year to date in financial 2027 the average is 58 hours.

Vessels are spending significantly less time waiting at anchorage. Average waiting times have dropped from 127 hours in financial 2024 to 79 hours in financial 2026. Strong growth in cargo volumes was recorded in financial 2026 across all major commodity sectors.

Container volumes exceeded the budget by 7.9%, supported by a record performance in deep-sea import and export volumes. Liquid bulk volumes exceeded the target by 44%, largely driven by petroleum imports and coastwise export product.

Dry bulk volumes outperformed the budget by 46.9%, due to agricultural imports and exports. Break-bulk volumes were 30.9% above budget.

Mitigating against weather challenges

We are acutely cognisant that the port has been adversely impacted by severe weather conditions. In the 12-month period ending March 2026, it endured more than 74 days of disruptions caused by a combination of high wind gusts, heavy fog and turbulent water.

Previously, a weather delay meant a cascading backlog that took weeks to clear. Today, the resilience built into the modernised fleet allows the terminal to absorb these natural shocks far more effectively, clearing backlogs in a fraction of the time once conditions clear.

Rather than working at arm’s length, Transnet uses transparent, data-driven joint task teams to provide targeted resource allocation during export peaks such as the high-stakes deciduous fruit season.

Together with the Council for Scientific & Industrial Research, Transnet introduced a predictive wind planning model. A new helicopter service has been deployed to ferry pilots out to incoming vessels in high seas, when conditions are unsafe for traditional pilot boats.

On the land side, targeted infrastructure upgrades, including container stack optimisation and dedicated truck staging facilities, have dramatically reduced congestion for the logistics fleet feeding the port.

This data-driven, co-operative approach ensures that exporters no longer have to guess when their cargo will move.

By aligning the needs of the citrus and deciduous fruit industries with the terminal’s real-time operational capacity, Transnet has converted historical friction into a structured, predictive supply chain pipeline.

The challenges confronting South Africa’s port network remain real, and the journey toward peak efficiency requires sustained momentum. The evidence of improvement is visible on the sea side and across the land side.

Through continued investment, disciplined execution, and a shared operational vision with industry partners, Transnet is shaping a resilient, world-class gateway capable of powering South Africa’s economic ambitions.

• Letsoalo is the group COO at Transnet.

Spa Francorchamps is this weekend’s landscape for the increasing intensity of the driver’s championship.

Spa is a winning track for one Max Verstappen, the “Mad Red Bull”, who has conquered the circuit three times. He carried that fine form over this weekend with a chart-topping finish in the first practice session on Friday, and a third place in the second session, although it was cut short when Alpine’s Pierre Gasly crashed with 25 minutes left in the session.

He followed that up with a run yesterday that saw him finish only 0.138s behind the championship leader Kimi Antonelli in the final practice session. He looked threatening, particularly in the final sector of the lap, a part of the circuit where the power hungry Blanchimont straight resides.

Verstappen and the Red Bull team will be bolstered by his car’s strong performance yesterday, even with their forced rear wing change coming into this weekend, which was prompted by the back-to-back crashes he suffered in his last two race weekends due to a non-compliant rear wing.

Circuit’s power demands

A quirk of the 7.004km track, the longest on the 2026 calendar, is that because of it’s long straights, there will be times per lap where the drivers will not have the boost from their batteries to supplement the circuit’s power demands.

What that means for the grid is that raw engine power will be a necessity around Spa. In that sense, the “Flying Dutchman” will be boosted by the strength of the RB22’s superior internal combustion engine, which was recently ranked best in class by the FIA.

One bad lap, one slow pitstop, one error and this day may well end with the road to Abu Dhabi turning into a tightrope

Laurent Mekies, the Red Bull racing team principal, will hope Verstappen’s confidence in the car will translate in this afternoon’s race and dissuade the four-time champion’s want-away air.

To lose him would be to lose any chance at a championship challenge in the coming years, perhaps with more agreeable regulations for the Red Bull garage.

For the current championship challenging duo, one more so than the other, this weekend has so far been a head-scratcher.

More at ease

Antonelli will be more at ease than his partner as his showing yesterday would’ve done more to remind him that the magic hasn’t left his hands just yet.

Winless in in his last three races, the young Italian will be wary entering the main race. His youth, which was a lauded component of his scintillating form, has now come round to perhaps being the very reason for his recent struggles.

Antonelli’s grip on the championship has slipped massively with George Russell, who’s only 25 points adrift, now well within reach of the lead. He won’t have helped his case, however, as pace seems to allude him once again.

His weekend has been far from inspiring and, with the rut Antonelli is in, Russell cannot afford a poor performance this afternoon.

The distance Antonelli and Mercedes had on the rest of the grid has shrunken, their competitors have improved. They’ve slowly brought the upgrades needed to catch the Silver Arrows while their upgrades have done little to move the needle.

From this point onwards, it may be up to the two Mercedes men alone to keep the challengers back. One bad lap, one slow pitstop, one error and this day may well end with the road to Abu Dhabi turning into a tightrope.

Story audio is generated using AI

South Africans are colluding with foreigners in running spaza shops and street-vendor outlets in Gauteng, some of which have been linked to contaminated food sales, according to the public protector.

Speaking after the release of the report on Friday, public protector Kholeka Gcaleka said the systemic shortcomings identified in Gauteng’s food safety sector are not unique to the province and largely mirror challenges experienced across South Africa.

The report follows an investigation into allegations of inadequate enforcement by various state organs regulating food safety and hygiene standards within the informal business sector, including spaza shops, hawkers and other food preparation premises.

Gcaleka cites the absence of, or ineffective, monitoring mechanisms for health services through mandatory structures such as district and provincial health councils, as required by the National Health Act, as well as severe staff shortages within municipal health departments.

She says the deaths of at least 23 children from suspected food poisoning since 2024 could have been avoided.

The investigation was prompted by the leader of the African Transformation Movement (ATM), Vuyolwethu Zungula, in October 2024 following the spate of deaths.

More or less to a large extent, the problems are almost the same. Of course, maybe statistically the figures won’t be exactly the same, but it’s almost the standard underlying systemic challenges throughout the country

Vusumuzi Dlamini, public protector’s Gauteng head

Gcaleka says the department of small business development, through its small enterprise development & finance agency, had identified instances of business fronting, beneficiary mismatches, fraud and misrepresentation where the details of licence holders differed from those of the operators of spaza shops. This constituted a direct attempt to bypass the requirement that shops be owned and operated by South African citizens.

She says evidence showed that though a South African citizen was the registered owner of Dana Tuckshop in Naledi, under whose name the certificate of acceptability was issued, the shop was operated by a foreign national, according to information provided to the investigation team by the local community.

Vusumuzi Dlamini, the public protector’s provincial head for Gauteng, said the province’s shortcomings were not isolated but formed part of a wider national pattern.

“More or less to a large extent, the problems are almost the same. Of course, maybe statistically the figures won’t be exactly the same, but it’s almost the standard underlying systemic challenges throughout the country,” he said.

Dlamini said work on food safety extends beyond Gauteng, saying the public protector would be reporting on the issue in every province.

Gcaleka notes in the report that no positive chemical tests were recorded in the case of children in Naledi who showed signs of food poisoning before their deaths in October 2024. However, she says that while environmental health practitioners (EHPs) visited Dana Tuckshop a day later, most of the food had already been removed.

“It is therefore doubtful to conclude that the EHPs got the correct food samples, and the absence of positive chemical testing should absolve the operators of the shop concerned.”

Dlamini said that during the verification process for spaza shop support fund applications, more than 1,500 sites were inspected. Of the 1,556 sites visited, 121 were disqualified. These included:

• 16 cases of attempted business fronting through beneficiary mismatches;
• 92 instances where no spaza shop existed at the address provided; and
• 13 cases in which inspectors were denied access.

The report says the demographics within the three Gauteng metros indicate that a significantly higher number of business applications to operate spaza shops are received from foreign nationals compared to South African locals.

There are approximately 12,737 operational spaza shops across the three Gauteng metros. About 7,071 — or 56% — are operated by foreign nationalsThere are approximately 12,737 operational spaza shops across the three Gauteng metros. About 7,071, or 56%, are operated by foreign nationals

Report

“There are approximately 12,737 operational spaza shops across the three Gauteng metros. About 7,071 — or 56% — are operated by foreign nationals. This reinforces findings that the sector is increasingly dominated by foreign nationals, particularly Ethiopians, Somalis and Bangladeshis, according to a master list verified by the department of home affairs and provided to the investigation team by the City of Tshwane.”

Gcaleka also compares the legal framework regulating informal business within some African countries, including Ghana, Nigeria and Zimbabwe, stating that all their legislation appears to be intentionally geared towards ensuring that local citizens have a significant stake in the informal business sector operating within the country to reduce foreign control over the informal business economy and thus promote local entrepreneurship.

Deputy public protector Dinkie Dube said this provides some basis for a model the South African government could consider and is important, taking into account the current ownership patterns.

“So if we were to look at a possibility of following these models where you reserve certain sectors for locals, you may then perhaps start to change the picture,” Dube said.

Gcaleka recommends that the Gauteng premier establish a technical committee comprising representatives from the departments of co-operative governance & traditional affairs, health and economic development, the National Treasury, the South African Local Government Association, municipalities and other stakeholders.

The committee would assess capacity, governance and budgetary challenges affecting municipal health services and local economic development departments and identify legislative, policy and operational interventions needed to strengthen food-safety regulation and enforcement.

Now, after the explosive reclassification of his death from an inquest to a formal murder investigation, Lindelwa is speaking out. In a deeply moving tribute and rebuke, she painted for the Sunday Times a portrait this week of a fearless liberation hero while laying bare her struggle with a police service she accuses of abandoning her family in their darkest hour.

“Pitso was a man of unwavering resolve, principled, ethical and stubbornly committed to integrity and honour,” Lindelwa said. “He was forthright in his views, fearless in speaking truth, hated lies and corruption with passion and never hesitated to tell it as it was, even if it meant confronting others directly.”

She vividly recalled a tense encounter in December 2020, involving a high-ranking minister who had served alongside Mfazi in MK — the ANC’s military wing during apartheid — in Angola. Mfazi During the exchange, openly challenged the minister over political meddling in the police.

“I was in the car when this minister called, and Pitso was very firm with the minister after he had asked for certain documents from him,” she said. “He told the minister that he reports to the Nascom [national police commissioner] and that the minister should not make it a habit to interfere in police business. I could also tell this was a commander [Pitso] speaking to his junior from MK.”

Lindelwa told the Sunday Times that on July 8 2021, the day her husband would draw his final breath, she and a relative were en route to Pretoria from East London at the general’s request. He had called earlier that morning. “He kept insisting that I must come see him; he needed me.”

Things changed months before his death. He told me we couldn’t move to Pretoria because there were people after him ... This is when he and his one driver started carrying R5 rifles in the car

Lindelwa 'Malindi' Mfazi

Earlier that day, Pitso had been rushed to hospital by his security detail after a routine session of steaming left him struggling for air, but he was later discharged.

On her arrival at their Pretoria residence, the premises were swarming with police. They told Lindelwa her husband was dead, but that she couldn’t see his body because he had died of Covid. She insisted on seeing him.

“When I went around the bed, I saw blood on the pillow, in his nose and stains of blood on the walls. Those stains of blood raised my suspicions because it looked like there was also a fight.” Malindi said.

She recounted that the household, including their two sons, had finalised preparations to relocate to Pretoria to reunite with the general. “But things changed months before his death. He told me we couldn’t move to Pretoria because there were people after him ... This is when he and his one driver started carrying R5 rifles in the car.”

A former MK commander who trained in India, served in Angola and once provided security for Chris Hani, Mfazi had dedicated his life to South Africa. Yet his relentless pursuit of state capture operations and police corruption made him a prime target.

For Lindelwa, the realisation of how he died haunts her. “Pitso was highly reliable, with a sharp analytical mind that allowed him to read situations and people with remarkable clarity,” she said. [It Something that is] still puzzling us is how those who poisoned him got to be so close to him undetected.”

While his work often took him away, Mfazi had promised his family that his retirement — less than two years away when he died — would bring them back together. Instead, his sudden death shattered their world.

“He was my protector and my pillar of strength, a man who made our family feel safe and cherished,” Malindi said. When he passed, he left a void that can never be filled.”

Adding to the trauma of her husband’s assassination has been the agonising five-year delay in the investigation and a complete lack of empathy from the South African Police Service (SAPS).

The pain and suffering we have carried without any meaningful support from SAPS during these extremely difficult years is something we will never forget

Lindelwa 'Malindi' Mfazi

“The five-year delay ...in this matter has been deeply disturbing and has prolonged our suffering immeasurably,” Lindelwa said. “The pain and suffering we have carried without any meaningful support from SAPS ...during these extremely difficult years is something we will never forget. This prolonged ordeal has severely affected my mental health and, more importantly, our son’s wellbeing.”

Ten days after his burial on July 15 2021, Mfazi’s remains were exhumed. The exhumation was on the insistence of Lindelwa, who remains convinced that a more sinister cause than the global pandemic was responsible for his death.

Ten days after his burial on July 15 2021, Mfazi’s remains were exhumed. The exhumation was on the insistence of Lindelwa.

“I called the national commissioner general [Khehla] Sitole and told him ... I wanted my husband’s body exhumed. He supported me in that, and I was assisted also by Pitso’s colleagues who were close to him,” she said.

After the exhumation an inquest was to be held, but this year law the investigation was officially reclassified as a murder case. Said Lindelwa: “While we welcome the reclassification ... of the case from an inquest to a murder investigation, we sincerely hope we will not have to endure another five years before arrests are made.”

Her hope for justice does not lie in the police leadership but in the undeniable paper trail her husband left behind in his official pocketbook and personal diary.

“My confidence that this investigation will finally be concluded does not stem from trust in the system but from the strength of the evidence contained in the pocketbook and diary, which should make the investigators’ work significantly easier,” Lindelwa said.

The police have said that their investigations are at a sensitive and critical stage. They have conducted search and seizure operations at various addresses, but no arrests have been made. They would not comment on Lindelwa’s claim of a lack of police support.

The world No 2 didn’t hold back when asked for his thoughts on DeChambeau’s conduct late Friday, when the American was involved in a lengthy, heated post-round exchange with rules officials as they reviewed whether he had inadvertently improved the path of his swing on the fifth hole.

DeChambeau was penalised two shots and there were doubts over whether he would show up for the weekend. The extraordinary late-evening scenes also delayed the release of the tee times for Saturday’s third round.

“I won’t pretend to be up here and defend Bryson,” McIlroy told reporters after shooting a 1-under 69 in the third round. “I’m not particularly fond of him. I think a lot of it is performative. I think a lot of it’s for attention.

“To hold the tournament hostage like that,” McIlroy continued, “and to have all of us — players, volunteers, everyone — waiting on him to depart, I didn’t feel like it was a great look.”

McIlroy said he watched the initial incident live with a few other players and felt DeChambeau’s actions “didn’t seem right”.

“I think there’s no doubt that he improved the line of his backswing,” McIlroy said. “Again, it’s like, whether it was careless or whether it was intentional, I don’t think it matters. Hopefully it was careless, but I think the two-shot penalty was justified, for sure.”

Other players were more diplomatic when discussing the incident.

“If I was in that position, I’d just be very careful where I’m standing and how I get into the ball and make sure I don’t improve my lie,” said English player Marco Penge, who was among the golfers to post on X late Friday about his frustrations about the tee times being published so late. “Yeah, I would never want anyone to think I was doing that. That’s how I would deal with it.”

Former Open champion Xander Schauffele said DeChambeau could have been given “the benefit of the doubt”.

“He said he didn’t do it intentionally and it’s unfortunate that he got penalised because he was playing incredibly well and obviously he’s still playing incredibly well,” Schauffele said, “so he’s obviously going to have something to prove these next two days.”

AP

The ministry of foreign affairs said late on Thursday that Jamaican officials were still attempting to contact the third citizen.

“During the discussion, the men were advised of the consular assistance available to them and of the government’s readiness to facilitate their return to Jamaica,” the foreign ministry said.

The Jamaican government advised the pair that authorities “could not determine their immigration status in the US or secure their return there. Both men maintained that they did not want to return to Jamaica.”

Contact was established through the Jamaican consulate in Miami and a legal adviser representing the men, who haven’t been identified.

Jamaica’s outreach followed diplomatic inquiries directed at US officials in Washington, alongside formal representations made to Eswatini’s government through Jamaica’s diplomatic mission in Pretoria.

The growing number of third-country deportations by the US government to places including Eswatini has been widely criticised by lawyers and human rights groups.

Eswatini’s king holds absolute power and has been accused of clamping down on pro-democracy movements.

Orville Etoria, who was the first Jamaican sent to Eswatini under the programme, was repatriated to his country last September.

His lawyers have accused the US of deporting him unlawfully there in July 2025 and said he and others were repeatedly denied visits by a lawyer.

Etoria was repatriated with help from the International Organisation for Migration, a UN agency.

AP

Kenya’s ministry of information, communications and the digital economy said on Saturday it was investigating a cybersecurity incident that affected the official website of the president, adding that there was no evidence so far of unauthorised access to sensitive data or loss of information.

The ministry said the incident was detected by the government’s ICT authority, which immediately activated cybersecurity response protocols and temporarily restricted access to the presidential website to contain the issue and allow forensic investigations.

Appropriate mitigation measures have since been implemented, and restoration of the website is under way, it said.

“At this time, there is no evidence of unauthorised access to sensitive data, data exfiltration, or loss of information. Government systems and digital services remain secure and operational,” cabinet secretary for the ministry William Kabogo Gitau said in a statement posted on X.

The ICT authority was working with relevant government agencies and technical partners to conduct a forensic investigation and determine the circumstances surrounding the incident, the statement said.

Reuters

After seeing off their first three Northern Hemisphere teams 130-49, the next time the Springboks play on home soil it’ll be against the All Blacks, the only other unbeaten team in the Nations Championship.

South Africa condemned Wales to another pointless performance as they ran out 43-0 winners in Durban on Saturday night.

Had they not made so many silly errors — several of them the result of a slippery ball — they might have got close to their 73-0 demolition job in Cardiff last year.

World Rugby’s structure of this new tournament has guaranteed the Northern Hemisphere a spot in the final, but the only two sides remaining undefeated after three rounds come from the south.

That adds huge value to the Rugby’s Greatest Rivalry Tour that kicks off next month.

Saturday’s contest, as messy as it was, unearthed yet more talent, with the four debutants all looking the part, especially young flyhalf Vusi Moyo.

The No 10 played a hand in South Africa’s first try, fielding a kick upfield just inside the touchline and then timing a perfect pass inside to Aphelele Fassi who made a break to gain ground.

Cobus Wiese joined the charge forward before his brother, eighthman Jasper, broke through a tackle to score the opening try in the fifth minute. Moyo converted to bank his first international points.

The Bok scrum was as powerful as ever. When the Welsh had a 5m scrum, they got pushed backwards, with the referee awarding a scrum the other way and scrumhalf Cobus Reinach darted through. Moyo converted again.

Throughout the first half Moyo had his moments.

There was one piece of play that straddled brilliance and buffoonery where he dived over the touchline like a cricketer, knocking the ball back into the field of play, leaving it unguarded with the Welsh bearing down.

But Moyo popped up almost immediately and got to the ball first, diving onto to it to avoid the attention of the first Welsh wave. Then he was up and launching a great counter-attack that took the Boks back into the opposition half.

The youngster’s kicking varied. An early up-and-under didn’t travel far enough and Wales took control of the ball, but other kicks of his were good, especially the one that set up his team’s third try just before halftime, a cross-kick where Jesse Kriel gathered the loose ball to over in the corner.

The thing about great flyhalves is that they take time to master the craft; mistakes are part of the rite of passage.

Then again he was playing behind a dominant pack that is arguably the deadliest weapon in world rugby.

Veterans Pieter-Steph du Toit and Malcolm Marx were irrepressible as usual. Wiese the eighthman and his lock brother produced some good runs, and flanker Paul de Villiers was all over the field.

Props Gerhard Steenekamp and Carlu Sadie, another debutant, were immoveable, and Ruben van Heerden, also a first-timer, was solid.

And when the Boks had to defend, especially during a period of persistent pressure in the second half, where Wales kept winning penalties and pushing for the line, they proved impregnable.

Springbok coach Rassie Erasmus has emphasised building his team’s depth for the World Cup, and this match underlined his talent at scrumhalf, where Cobus Reinach was impressive before being replaced by Hershel Jantjies, who set up his own try with a quick interchange with Jaco Williams, another debutant who scored a good try himself.

Fassi didn’t have the greatest game at fullback, but his replacement, Damian Williemse, showed his class the moment he came on.

Manie Libbok missed his first two conversion attempts, but his long pass set up Kurt-Lee Arendse’s try.

Erasmus has tested plenty of players in the last three Tests against England, Scotland and Wales.

Next up is a one-off away Test against Argentina on August 8 and then a four-match series against New Zealand where he may be less liberal with experimentation.

Scorers

South Africa 43 (19)

Tries: Jasper Wiese, Cobus Reinach, Jesse Kriel, Jaco Williams, Herschel Jantjies, Kurt-Lee Arendse, Paul de Villiers

Conversions: Vusi Moyo (3). Manie Libbok.

Wales 0 (0)

Fox, who began the day off the pace at level par, carded nine birdies and one bogey in tranquil conditions to shoot the third 62 in the space of 24 hours — a staggering spree considering that previously only five rounds of 62 had been recorded in men’s major championships.

“When I birdied 14, I was like, I’ve got a chance here,” the 39-year-old Fox told reporters. “Standing on the last tee, I’m going, if I can get one on the fairway here, you can get a wedge or a 9-iron in and have a putt for 61.”

Instead, a slightly wayward drive found a fairway bunker and though he hit a superb shot from the sand he could not sink a long birdie putt on the 18th green.

The consolation was that he was on eight under par and right in the mix for his maiden major title heading to Sunday.

“I would have taken 62 on a Saturday, that’s for sure,” he said. “It’s nice to be in that head space. Hopefully, I can find something similar tomorrow.”

Australia’s Lucas Herbert and American Sam Burns carded 62s on Friday with all three in contention to win the Claret Jug.

Fox, son of former New Zealand rugby great Grant Fox, said he would adopt the same attacking policy on Sunday.

“If you execute, you can score around here. If you don’t, it will bite you pretty quickly,” he said.

Reuters

A strike on an apartment in the Nasr neighbourhood killed at least five people, including the children between the ages of eight and 18, said Mohammed Abu Selmiya, director of Shifa Hospital where the bodies were taken. Six other people were wounded, including four children between the ages of eight and 16, he said.

Israel’s military said it targeted Hamas infrastructure and had located Hamas militants in the area, without elaborating.

Another Israeli strike hit a group of people in the Zeitoun neighbourhood, killing four and wounding another critically, health officials said.

The Israeli military said it targeted a “Hamas terrorist” and it was looking into the results of the strike.

Palestinians have reported an increase in the scale of Israeli strikes across the enclave over the past few days.

Despite a ceasefire agreement reached in October between Israel and the Hamas militant group, Israel still carries out near-daily attacks across the territory. It says it is targeting Hamas and other militants who pose a threat. Hamas and Israel have traded accusations of violating the ceasefire.

At least 1,127 Palestinians, including at least 260 children, have been killed since the ceasefire, according to Gaza’s health ministry. Five Israeli soldiers have been killed in that time.

The October 7, 2023, attack by Hamas-led militants that sparked the war killed some 1,200 people in Israel and saw 251 others taken hostage. Israel’s retaliatory offensive has killed 73,250 Palestinians, according to Gaza’s health ministry.

The ministry is part of the Hamas-led government and is staffed by medical professionals who maintain detailed records viewed as generally reliable by UN agencies and independent experts. It does not distinguish between civilians and militants but says women and children make up about half of all deaths.

AP

The hosts were always going to win this Nations Championship Test against Wales, which influenced the mentality of this Boks performance.

Strong and then sloppy. Physically the Boks looked like they were men playing against boys. The Wiese brothers, Cobus at lock and Jasper at No 8, have had tougher school games.

The duo ran with such ease in breaking tackles, but with the ease came an easing from the Boks. Durban’s humidity never makes it easy to handle a ball, but the comfort of the opening start and the lack of quality in the Welsh challenge made for a messy match.

Destructive at scrum

Collectively, the Boks were no better than a C. Individually, there were many who would have scored higher.

The debutants in the forwards, lock Ruben van Heerden and tighthead prop Carlu Sadie, were particularly good. Van Heerden showed the kind of calm in the lineout that used to be the norm for the iconic Boks lock Victor Matfield, and Sadie was destructive at the scrum engage.

Sadie starred for Bordeaux in the French club’s Champions Cup title win, and he was as good in his run-on Test for the Springboks.

The Welsh scrum was under severe pressure, but the lack of intensity in the contest proved a negative for the Boks, especially in the second 20 minutes of the first half.

The Boks had the bonus point by the 42^nd minute, which makes any critique difficult

The 11 first-half handling errors were consistent with the mentality of the match but inconsistent with the standards of the world champion Boks and the world’s No 1 team.

The last time the two teams met, the Boks won 73-0 in Cardiff, but just two of the Boks starting XV wore the same jersey in Durban.

Best Bok forwards

Jasper Wiese and loosehead prop Gerhard Steenekamp were those two players. And they were the best Bok forwards in Durban.

Backline debutants Vusi Moyo and Jaco Williams were enthusiastic, and there was statistical reward for both. Moyo got his first Test points in the sixth minute, when he converted the opening try, and Williams, who chased hard all evening, got onto the scoreboard with a try within a minute of the restart.

The Boks had the bonus point by the 42^nd minute, which makes any critique difficult.

But it is the accuracy that wasn’t quite there. Again, the context is the opposition’s lack of menace, considering this was a very changed Boks team that scored 45 points against Scotland and found everything easy.

Wales had one 22-metre entry in the first 35 minutes. The Boks had 10 and scored just once, which contrasts to a week ago when the Boks had six entries into Scotland’s 22 and scored six times.

A week before that, they had 11 entries into England’s 22 and scored seven tries.

Wales offered little

To illustrate just how little Wales offered, they made just 42 attack metres in the first 40 minutes.

Six of the Boks’ substitutes were introduced in the 47^th minute, but this did not improve the accuracy of the Boks’ performance. The remaining two were on by the 52^nd minute.

Aphelele Fassie, at fullback, was another who never looks out of place in the Test arena but threatens to explode without ever going off. I was willing to get more from him, but like with the collective, it never quite got there.

Veteran scrumhalf Cobus Reinach was my pick of the Boks. He was so good at putting pressure on Wales from the scrum and electric when given half a gap on attack, and his performance had the right mixture of energy, enthusiasm and presence.

Coach Rassie Erasmus got more gains from the combination of the three Nations Championship Tests than he got in Durban. This month was always about giving the entire squad game time, testing combinations and introducing a handful of new players to Test rugby.

It was also about winning, which the Boks did comfortably in all three Test matches to finish July as the southern hemisphere’s league leaders in the Nations Championship.

Story audio is generated using AI

Local athletics faces an important two weeks, with the Comrades Marathon Association (CMA) potentially capable of causing seismic changes to the sport’s national landscape.

This has become apparent after correspondence sent late in a tumultuous week during which KwaZulu-Natal Athletics (KZNA) president Steve Mkasi was suspended pending a probe into his street brawl with an athlete that was captured on video.

KZNA is on the one side of a high court action scheduled for Pietermaritzburg on Wednesday, launched by CMA members demanding clarity on the association’s status.

Among them is CMA chair Mark Leathers, who this week reiterated that the 2027 edition of the race was a certainty.

The CMA members are objecting to KZNA classifying the CMA an athletics club, which would limit its voting members to those living in KwaZulu-Natal.

But the bigger impact could come at the CMA’s special general meeting on August 1. A notice was sent out on Thursday asking members to vote on the organisation’s future direction.

In order to ensure that the association’s mandate is clear, current and beyond reproach, the board considers it appropriate to place the matter before members again

Mark Leathers, CMA chair

The first resolution asks members to choose between an accommodative approach, involving working with provincial and national structures, or a CMA-first approach, “under which the association will not compromise on ethics, legality, CMA governance, financial responsibility towards the CMA, or the interests of the race, and will, if necessary, withstand the disputes or resistance that may follow”.

The second resolution is whether CMA should re-affiliate with KZNA, after Athletics South Africa (ASA) recently told the association to take its decision to cut ties back to members.

“In order to ensure that the association’s mandate is clear, current and beyond reproach, the board considers it appropriate to place the matter before members again,” read the notice issued by Leathers.

The third is whether CMA should rescind its November 2025 resolution to seek affiliation with ASA, a request it made after walking out on KZNA.

ASA seemingly settled the third resolution on Friday, with acting president John Mathane informing Leathers that the CMA’s request had been denied.

“In terms of the constitution and governance structure of [ASA], all athletics bodies within a province are required to affiliate through the recognised provincial federation,” wrote Mathane.

If the members vote against rejoining KZNA, they will effectively opt out of ASA entirely.

Around 6,100 CMA members are eligible to vote at next month’s SGM.

Leathers, a lawyer, believes there is no law preventing the CMA from staging the Comrades independently of KZNA and ASA, with a precedent set by the 2012 judgment in the Pedal Power Association case against Cycling South Africa.

KZNA has been demanding race levies from CMA for the 2026 event, saying it will not sanction the 2027 race until they are paid.

CMA has told KZNA to provide a detailed breakdown of what is owed and why, but Leathers remains undeterred, insisting the centenary edition from Pietermaritzburg to Durban on June 13 next year is as good as written in stone.

CMA going it alone could also hurt ASA financially because the national federation earns broadcast rights from a package of events of which the Comrades is arguably the highest profile.

The language [in ASA correspondence] has been discourteous in the extreme and could be construed as being deliberately calculated either to provoke a dispute or, alternatively, to create the impression that a dispute exists where in fact no such dispute exists

Court papers

Court papers filed in the case between the CMA members and KZNA reveal a history of tension between the association and ASA, referenced by then CMA chair Brian Kurz in a letter written in early 2000.

“The language [in ASA correspondence] has been discourteous in the extreme and could be construed as being deliberately calculated either to provoke a dispute or, alternatively, to create the impression that a dispute exists where in fact no such dispute exists.”

In the letter — included in the court bundle for Wednesday’s opposed motion — Kurz wrote about the CMA being a club.

“The CMA maintains with respect that there is actually no distinction between the words ‘club’ and ‘association’, the meaning of both words being ‘a body of persons joined together for common purpose’, which reduces this issue to semantics.”

This distinction is at the heart of the CMA members’ case against KZNA.

They argue that CMA — before disaffiliating — was not an athletics club but rather an associate member of the provincial body.

All members of athletics clubs are bound by ASA’s domicile rule, under which members must reside in the province of the club.

But the CMA’s members include non-athletes, including former athletes and volunteers who have previously worked with the race. No geographical limitation had previously been placed on CMA membership.

The Sunday Times understands that Two Oceans members include blue-number athletes irrespective of where they live.

KZNA tried to enforce the domicile rule ahead of an SGM in 2024, but the CMA members won an urgent interdict.

KZNA has since argued in court papers that it never passed a resolution on the domicile rule ahead of that SGM, but merely offered the CMA an opinion that was not enforceable, arguing it made the interdict application unnecessary.

The shot was taken at a time that Unicef, which provides humanitarian and developmental assistance to children around the world, had a partnership with Spanish giants Barcelona.

Fast forward 19 years later, the two footballer are meeting again, in quite different circumstances. It’s come down to Spain, the European champion, to face the formidable world title holders Argentina.

King Messi and prince Yamal. Or Messi and his infantino.

Tonight, the world will witness the two superstars whose prodigious talents were nurtured in Barcelona’s famed La Masia academy, go up against each other in global football’s greatest match — the grand finale of the sport’s top-tier tournament, during which the baby that Messi bathed could stop him from back-to-back glory in the game’s holy grail.

Number 19

Megastar of the show, Messi was 19 during the photoshoot and Lamal just turned 19 on Monday; and they have a date with destiny today on July 19 under the MetLife Stadium lights in New York.

Messi’s eight goals and four assists have been central to Argentina’s charge to the final. He will captain his country and attempt to assist the South Americans join Italy (1934 on home soil and 1938 in France), and Brazil (1958 in Sweden and 1962 in Chile) as only the third country to successfully defend the World Cup.

His headline-grabbing and record-setting performances ended the GOAT debate during a North American competition that seemed a final nail in the coffin and signal a sombre sign-off of his greatest adversary, 41-year-old Cristiano Ronaldo, who retired after captaining his Portugal to a last-16 exit.

In the twilight of his career, the mercurial Messi has been masterful, resembling a demon driven by a desire to defy father time with match-deciding performances belying his 39 years.

Argentina relied on Messi’s individual rescue of them from sticky situations, chiefly the 11-minute goal blitz in overturning a 2-0 deficit into a 3-2 last-16 defeat of Egypt.

Spain’s teenage prodigy

There was a repeat of the script in the 2-1 come-from-behind semifinal eclipsing of England, with Messi providing an assist for Enzo Martinez to equalise, and a cross from which Lautaro Martinez netted the winner during what was the latest instalment of the football version of the Falklands War.

At the gates of glory and dreams of a title defence stands the young Lamal. By his lofty standards, Spain’s teenage prodigy has not set his first World Cup on fire.

That photo is etched in my soul. It was a miracle back then and continues to be 20 years on. It was like writing history before it happened. Nobody could have imagined that things would pan out as they have

Joan Monfort, photographer

But he will seek to gift himself the best belated birthday present: lifting the World Cup trophy like Andres Iniesta did for his country’s sole triumph in 2010.

Lamal’s pace, passing and ability to beat opponents has been sacrificed for the cause of the collective.

After opening with a goalless draw against spirited debutants Cape Verde, Spain’s path past Saudi Arabia, Uruguay, Austria, Portugal, and Belgium was paved by teamwork which has been an emblematic feature of their approach and was more pronounced when Luis de la Fuente’s men felled favourites France with their frightening Kyllian Mbappe-led foursome firepower in the last four.

“Today we faced one of the best national teams in the world, but in front of them they had the best team in the world. That is the difference. We’re feeling unbeatable,” said De la Fuente after the 2-0 elimination of the 1998 and 2018 champions.

Final fit for royalty

Of the final, he said: “If you want to win something great, you must be willing to make sacrifices. I don’t believe in the idea that finals are there to be won. They are there to be enjoyed.”

A final fit for football royalty: a world first Messi-Lamal showdown. A Spain sans a Real Madrid player are one match away from their prince potentially dethroning a king who inadvertently anointed him as his successor as the next superstar of the sport.

“It was no coincidence, it was a miracle,” asserts the man who captured the famous image for the Fifa website.

“That photo is etched in my soul. It was a miracle back then and continues to be one 20 years on. It was like writing history before it happened. Nobody could have imagined that things would pan out as they have.

“Messi has gone on to become one of the top three athletes in history, and Lamine was a standout talent at 16, won the Euro at 17 and is going to compete against Messi in a World Cup final at 19. It’s extraordinary.”

Controversial officiating

Which way will the wind blow? Conspiracy theorists are convinced controversial officiating has assisted Messi and Argentina advance.

Indeed, things could have been different had referee Szymon Marciniak and VAR not played blind to Messi’s red card-deserving studs-up tackle on Algeria defender Aïssa Mandi 30 minutes into the 3-0 victory, where Messi scored two of his eight goals.

That offence aside, the man nicknamed “La Pulga” (The Flea) has provided empirical evidence that he deserves to finish the tournament the way he started it, as a world champion.

Baby Yamal has many years ahead of him to follow in the footsteps of his bather at both Barcelona and international level.

Four-time champion Tadej Pogacar launched the decisive attack on the steepest section of the Col du Haag climb to clinch another solo victory on Saturday’s 14th stage of the Tour de France, increasing his overall lead in the hunt for his third straight title.

His fourth stage win of this year’s race leaves him four minutes and 30 seconds ahead of second-placed Jonas Vingegaard, who finished fourth on the day behind Pogacar’s UAE Team Emirates-XRG teammate Isaac del Toro and local hero Paul Seixas.

“A really perfect day, we marked this stage since the beginning. I know it very well, it is beautiful and an incredible place for cycling,” said Pogacar.

Saturday’s stage, a 155.3km ride from Mulhouse to Le Markstein Fellering, tested riders with mountains throughout the route, including three category one climbs, and spots where the competitors ran into rain.

The crowd at Grand Ballon, the first major climb of the day, cheered on Frenchman Valentin Paret-Peintre (Soudal Quick-Step) as he beat Richard Carapaz to the peak, while the peloton trailed by nearly two minutes.

Four others joined Paret-Peintre and Carapaz in a breakaway group as the riders carefully navigated slippery and wet roads amid heavy rain during the descent from Col du Page.

Carapaz and his EF Education–EasyPost teammate Ben Healy took a wrong turn at the start of the ascent to Ballon d’Alsace, but managed to rejoin the leaders, as the peloton tried to make up a three-minute gap.

POGACAR LAUNCHES PERFECTLY TIMED ATTACK

Paret-Peintre and Carapaz were again the first two to reach the summit at Ballon d’Alsace, but by the time they started the ascent to Col du Haag, the peloton, being driven by Pogacar’s teammates, had reduced the gap to a minute and 20 seconds.

Carapaz launched an early attack during the 11.2km category one climb, and Tobias Johannessen followed closely. But about 2.5km below the summit, the general classification contenders caught the leaders.

Soon after, as the gradient reached 16% during the final two kilometres of the climb, Pogacar made his move and pulled ahead. The 27-year-old had a 30-second lead at the summit, and flew through the final 5km to the finish line, finishing 38 seconds before second-placed Del Toro.

Stage two winner Del Toro managed to beat Seixas at the finish, and passed Ayuso to go fourth in the overall rankings.

Pogacar said he expected Sunday’s stage 15, another mountainous ride from Champagnole to Plateau de Solaison, to be a bigger challenge.

“Will be a hard day for us, but we will be ready to fight and see what will happen,” he added.

Reuters

Del Bosque led Spain to World Cup victory in 2010, when they beat the Netherlands 1-0 in South Africa.

“Argentina are a tough team to play against — a real nuisance, if I may use the word — and they know exactly what they need to do," del Bosque told the El Pais newspaper in an interview published on Saturday.

Del Bosque pointed to Argentina’s comeback victory over England as evidence of their quality.

“I see the final as favouring Spain, but they need to be wary of the Argentines, given how difficult they are to face and their experience,” he said.

The 75-year-old also praised Spain’s performances at the tournament and backed them to lift the trophy.

“In the matches we have watched, the game was played exactly on the national team’s terms; they dominated the situation and demonstrated both assurance and confidence,” he added.

Andres Iniesta, who scored the winning goal for Spain in 2010, also said he hoped a new generation of Spanish players would claim the trophy.

“I really want this generation — these players — to become champions and for us to get another star, the second one,” he said in an interview with El Pais published on Saturday.

Iniesta, who played with Messi at Barcelona, praised the Argentina captain’s ability to stay at the pinnacle of the game at the age of 39.

“I’d say he’s pretty much the same as always: making a difference, playing a leading role, providing assists, scoring goals—doing what he’s done his whole life,” he said.

“I believe the reason he’s still active at his age is that he continues to do so many things right—the way he takes care of himself, his dedication to the sport, the people around him, and the fact that he maintains the passion and mindset to keep improving both personally and as a teammate.”

The World Cup final between Spain and Argentina will be played at the New York New Jersey Stadium on Sunday.

Reuters

McLaren’s reigning world champion Lando Norris was third fastest but has a 10-place grid drop, promoting Russell to that slot instead with Ferrari’s Charles Leclerc, winner of the previous race at Silverstone, starting fourth.

Mercedes have taken pole for all 10 races so far this season and 19-year-old Italian Antonelli has provided six of them.

“It’s great to be on pole,” said Antonelli, whose father Marco was also celebrating his 61st birthday. “It was not a very straightforward session, the track changed a lot.

“But tomorrow is another day and obviously I have Max starting next to me so it’s going to be important to get a good start and then be ahead into Turn Five.”

Antonelli has won five races so far and leads Russell by 25 points in the championship. The Italian is hungry for another win to stretch that advantage after failing to score in two of the last three races.

Norris had been on provisional pole after the first flying laps but then Verstappen and Antonelli went faster, the latter producing a 1:44.361 second effort around the longest and second-fastest lap on the calendar.

“It is nice to be standing here, it is not nice knowing I have to go 10 places back tomorrow,” commented Norris.

“It is unfortunate that it is not where we will be starting tomorrow because it would be nice to have a little fight with these guys but we made the most of it.”

Verstappen had been given an aerodynamic tow by teammate Isack Hadjar, who has a 30-place grid drop for an engine and multiple component changes, but the four-time world champion’s time was still 0.317 slower than Antonelli’s best.

“It was definitely helping me, otherwise I would not be standing here,” the Belgian-born Dutch driver said of the tow. “Otherwise I think I would be like P6, or something.

“Tomorrow I think I’ll be looking in my mirrors at the people around me, but at least today we had a really good result.”

Ferrari’s Lewis Hamilton, chasing a record sixth Belgian GP win, will start fifth with McLaren’s Oscar Piastri sixth and Racing Bulls’ British rookie Arvid Lindblad seventh in the team’s only upgraded car.

Audi’s Gabriel Bortoleto qualified eighth with Racing Bulls’ Liam Lawson set to start ninth, despite failing to make the final phase, and Alpine’s Pierre Gasly 10th.

Reuters

The fire in southern Norway started in a townhouse in the city of Drammen at about 3.30pm on Friday, police said. It then spread through the area and into nearby forests. Firefighters on Saturday morning continued their efforts to bring the blaze under control.

The Norwegian Directorate for Civil Protection said on Saturday it was the largest fire of its kind in modern times.

NRK, Norway’s public broadcaster, said hundreds of people went to an evacuation centre.

No residents have been reported missing, police said. It was not immediately clear what caused the fire.

Drammen is roughly 34km southwest of Oslo.

AP

The match kicks off this Sunday at MetLife Stadium in East Rutherford, New Jersey.

The biggest talking point surrounding the final is the face-off between Argentina’s Lionel Messi and Spain’s Lamine Yamal, a matchup widely debated as “the GOAT versus the future”.

Adding to the drama, old photographs of the two stars recently went viral. Shot in 2007, the images show a young Messi bathing Yamal as a baby. Fans have dubbed the coincidence a surreal masterpiece as the infant in the photos will stand across the pitch from Messi in a World Cup final.

Spain’s teenage prodigy has spent his young career breaking Messi’s records, and he is about to shatter another. At only 19 years old, Yamal will play in his first World Cup final. By comparison, Messi was 27 when he reached his first final in 2014, where Argentina suffered a 1-0 defeat to Germany.

While Yamal has scored only once in this tournament, he has been Spain’s primary attacking spark, statistically leading the team in chance creation and crucially winning the penalty against France that broke the deadlock in the semifinals.

On the other side stands Messi, arguably the most decorated football player in history. His staggering resume includes a record eight Ballon d’Or awards, more than 900 career goals, and a world-record 47 team trophies, including leading Argentina to win the 2022 Fifa World Cup.

Will the GOAT cement his legacy, or will Yamal seize the moment?

TimesLIVE

Emergency responders reported the explosions and gunfire as security and police pursued the alleged robbers on the N3 westbound past The Dome Church.

A cash-in-transit vehicle was blown up during a robbery on the N3 highway in Durban just after the Sherwood offramp. Two CIT guards were attended to by paramedics and bystanders 📹: @AlsParamedics pic.twitter.com/8WwJS7ip5M

— Yasantha Naidoo (@NaidooYasantha) July 18, 2026

ALS Paramedics Garrith Jamieson said both CIT security guards were attended to by paramedics and bystanders.

The explosions were heard as far as Westville to the west and Morningside.

Motorists were urged to avoid the area and expect traffic delays. The freeway is expected to be locked down from Brickfield Road up to Spaghetti Junction for several hours while police and emergency teams secure the crime scene.

TimesLIVE

Kerr broke Moroccan Hicham El Guerrouj’s mark of 3 minutes, 43.13 seconds, set in Rome in 1999 and then set off on a lap of honour at London Stadium.

Kerr was so dominant on Saturday that he finished just over three seconds clear of American Yared Nuguse in 3:45.69.

The 28-year-old Kerr’s previous best time was 3:45.34 in 2024.

He had targeted the mile race at the Diamond League meet as a main goal in a track season with neither Olympics nor world championships.

The mile is not a championships event yet has iconic status in track history, with the four-minute barrier finally broken in 1954 by another British runner, Roger Bannister.

Kerr was a silver medalist in the 1,500m at the 2024 Paris Olympics.

AP

Now, modern-day Greeks hope their tallest mountain will be inducted into UNESCO’s World Heritage List as a mixed cultural and natural site. The nomination is to be discussed when the World Heritage Committee meets in Busan, South Korea from Sunday until July 29.

“Olympus is our life. It is the place we grew up in,” said Evagelos Geroliolios, mayor of Dion-Olympus, based in Litochoro, the mountain’s main town. “It is the place we see every day, but at the same time, it is also a place which carries with it myth, history, biodiversity, extraordinary beauty and a very great cultural weight.”

Seat of the gods

Few locations are as central to ancient Greek mythology as Mount Olympus. It was here that Zeus was said to have established his court after overthrowing his father, Cronus, in a 10-year war that ended the reign of the Titans.

Interest in Olympus may receive another boost with the theatrical release this week of Christopher Nolan’s The Odyssey, a new adaptation of Homer’s epic, in which the mountain serves as the home of Zeus and the Olympian gods who influence Odysseus’ journey.

On one of Olympus’s lower peaks, excavations have uncovered an open-air sanctuary, with the oldest finds dating to the Hellenistic period, which ran from 323 B.C. to 30 B.C. According to Greece’s original UNESCO nomination, the sanctuary is believed to have been one mentioned by the ancient philosopher and historian Plutarch, who in the 2nd century wrote of processions to one of Olympus’s peaks for animal sacrifices to Zeus.

The mountain retained religious significance into the Christian era. A chapel on the peak of Prophet Elias, at 2,803m, is believed to be the highest altitude chapel in the Christian Orthodox world. The mountain’s Enipeas Gorge holds the remains of a monastery founded in 1542, while a roughly 20-minute walk from there leads to the Holy Cave of St Dionysios, a chapel built into a cave from where a small spring flows, believed to carry holy water.

It is a place we love. It is a place that many people from all over the world visit to see, to live, to experience. We want to protect it

Evagelos Geroliolios, mayor of Dion-Olympus

The mountain’s slopes, which reach practically to the sea, also host a wealth of flora and fauna, including endemic species. It is this blending of culture, myth, natural beauty and biodiversity that locals hope will see their mountain declared a World Heritage site.

“It is a place we love. It is a place that many people from all over the world visit to see, to live, to experience. We want to protect it,” Geroliolios said. Its inclusion on UNESCO’s list would be “something very big that goes beyond not just local boundaries, but national boundaries. It is something that concerns the entire world. It is very important.”

Inclusion in the World Heritage List is far from certain

Greece began the process to have Mount Olympus recognised as a World Heritage site in 2014, inscribing it on its Tentative List — the mandatory first step in any nomination. The Tentative List is where countries include sites they can then formally nominate over the next five to 10 years.

The nomination process includes a preliminary assessment followed by submission of a full nomination file, which is then evaluated over 14 months by advisory bodies, including the International Council on Monuments and Sites, ICOMOS, and the International Union for Conservation of Nature.

Recommendations by the advisory bodies are then discussed during the World Heritage Committee’s annual meeting, where representatives of 21 countries vote on nominated sites.

Greece’s Mount Olympus nomination is far from certain. A draft of the Busan meeting’s agenda indicates the committee will refer the nomination back to Greece and request further details.

Still, locals hope the mountain’s cultural and natural wonders will secure it a place and will play a role in securing more protection for the mountain.

The need for protection

The mayor, Geroliolios, said inclusion on the World Heritage list “places some greater obligations on our part to protect this environment”.

Environmental protection is also foremost in the mind of mountain guide Babis Marinidis, president of the Alpine Club of Litochoro.

Including Olympus on UNESCO’s World Heritage list would likely attract more people to the mountain and the surrounding area, Marinidis said. “How many people can this mountain, this ecosystem, bear?” he asked. Though much of Olympus was designated a national park decades ago and there are regulations in place, many are openly flouted, with Marinidis saying visitors regularly ignore “no swimming” or “no camping” signs.

The ever-growing number of visitors had led local authorities to consider imposing entrance fees and registering visitor numbers. “I used to be against that,” Marinidis said. “But now with so many people, I believe some limit must be imposed.”

Mount Olympus has claimed many lives

The mythological home of the gods attracts hikers and mountaineers from across the world. While technical climbing experience isn’t mandatory to reach the summit, the mountain is also not to be trifled with.

With its combination of changeable weather and treacherous terrain, it has claimed many lives. The most recent fatality was on July 11, when a 64-year-old Greek hiker died after collapsing on a trail. In May, rescue crews found the body of a 25-year-old Spanish man days after he went missing while attempting to reach the summit in the snow.

“You need to be careful,” and safety measures must always be kept in mind, said 32-year-old hiker Triantafyllos Giannospyros, who was visiting the mountain for the first time. “But with care and with good organisation, it isn’t something you should be afraid of.”

Stavroula Vourou, who runs a hotel in Litochoro, the town from where many hikers set off, echoed his sentiment.

“Everyone sets off to go up and conquer a mountain that needs respect,” she said. “You respect this mountain, it respects you too.”

AP

Story audio is generated using AI

The government is in talks with investors to establish local electric delivery-bike manufacturing as it looks to build a domestic electric vehicle (EV) industry around one of South Africa’s fastest-growing transport segments.

With tens of thousands of delivery motorcycles already operating on local roads and demand surging through platforms such as Uber Eats, Checkers Sixty60, Pick n Pay ASAP, Mr D and Takealot, policymakers believe electric delivery bikes could provide a practical entry point into EV manufacturing while creating jobs and reducing imports.

The department of trade, industry & competition (DTIC) said it remains engaged with potential investors nearly two years after identifying the sector as a key localisation opportunity.

“We are still engaging potential investors, especially in relation to electric bikes, as we try to localise an EV production ecosystem,” the department said in response to Business Times questions.

The push comes as South Africa’s delivery economy undergoes rapid expansion. According to AutoTrader, there were an estimated 65,000 delivery motorcycles on South African roads by January 2026, serving a growing market for on-demand grocery, clothing, household goods and parcel deliveries.

Much of that growth has been driven by major e-commerce and delivery platforms. Takealot has about 17,000 drivers across its businesses, while Shoprite’s on-demand grocery platform, Checkers Sixty60, has created more than 18,000 jobs since its launch. Its delivery bikes subsidiary, Pingo, says it works with almost 10,000 drivers.

Electric motorcycles are seen as a practical starting point because they are cheaper to produce and require less charging infrastructure than passenger EVs

Uber, through its food and grocery platform Uber Eats, is also betting heavily on the sector. It launched Uber Moto, its motorcycle ride-hailing and delivery service, which it believes could become a major employment engine.

“Uber Moto could become a core engine for transportation and e-hailing in South Africa over the next decade,” Uber’s GM for sub-Saharan Africa, Deepesh Thomas, told Business Times in March.

The company estimates that further investment in the segment could create as many as 300,000 earning opportunities over the next 10 years. The company has committed R5bn to South Africa’s mobility, delivery and digital economy ecosystem.

The delivery-bike industry largely operates on a rent-to-own model, with riders paying off motorcycles in instalments before becoming owners. This has enabled thousands of people who cannot access traditional vehicle finance to enter the sector, making it a key part of South Africa’s growing last-mile delivery industry.

Electric motorcycles are seen as a practical starting point because they are cheaper to produce and require less charging infrastructure than passenger EVs. Local assembly could also boost demand for batteries, components and other manufacturing activity.

In 2024 the DTIC said the South African automotive master plan has primarily focused on the broader automotive industry, particularly vehicle manufacturing, including passenger vehicles, light commercial vehicles and heavy commercial vehicles.

“While the growth of the bike delivery industry is noted, the master plan’s specific focus areas have not yet extensively covered this segment.

“However, the over-arching objectives of fostering local manufacturing and industrial growth may provide a framework that can potentially extend to various segments of the industry, including bikes for delivery purposes, as they align with the broader goals of the automotive sector.”

Competition for EV-related investments has intensified globally as countries introduce incentives aimed at attracting manufacturers and building domestic supply chains.

Business Times

Story audio is generated using AI

A new report by Moody’s Ratings has found that a surge in Chinese imports is increasing pressure on South African manufacturers, as China cements a progressively dominant position in African trade.

South Africa ranked as the most exposed to Chinese trade competition among eight major African economies assessed in the report.

In the ratings agency’s manufacturing vulnerability index (MVI), South Africa scored “high” in all three of its measures — displacement risk, economic sensitivity and export capacity — the worst of the eight countries assessed.

Moody’s pointed to South Africa’s relatively large manufacturing base and its declining competitiveness in machinery and automotive components, sectors where domestic producers have steadily lost market share to Chinese exporters over the past decade.

Raphaele Auberty, assistant vice-president at Moody’s Ratings, said South Africa was the most vulnerable economy in the index because it combined a relatively large manufacturing sector, high reliance on foreign and Chinese value-added exports and declining competitiveness, with machinery and the automotive sector most exposed.

“We mostly consider medium-term risks stemming from domestic producers losing market share to Chinese producers for inputs in value chains, while also facing rising competition in export markets,” Auberty said, adding that this could constrain South Africa’s efforts to diversify trade and economic activity.

Vehicles were the single largest driver of the rise in Chinese imports to Africa in 2025, accounting for 16% of the increase, followed by machinery and electronics.

Auberty said the data suggested this was not matched by a corresponding rise in vehicle exports from the continent and that South Africa’s share of that increase was limited. “South Africa accounted for a relatively small share of additional vehicle exports from China in 2025,” she said.

We mostly consider medium-term risks stemming from domestic producers losing market share to Chinese producers for inputs in value chains, while also facing rising competition in export markets

Raphaele Auberty, assistant vice-president at Moody’s Ratings

Despite ranking as the most exposed economy in the region, Auberty cautioned against reading this as an immediate crisis for South African industry. “This does not necessarily translate into immediate job losses, plant closures or lost export contracts, and we have not looked at this specific data.”

South Africa’s exposure comes against a backdrop of a widening trade imbalance between Africa and China more broadly. The continent’s deficit in manufactured goods trade grew to 11% of GDP in 2025, up from 9.9% the previous year, as Chinese exports to Africa rose 26%, outpacing every other region globally.

Moody’s said the shift reflected China redirecting exports after facing higher US tariffs on finished manufactures, particularly electronics and vehicles, combined with overcapacity in China’s own industrial base.

The report found little evidence that the rise in Chinese imports was translating into new manufacturing or re-export opportunities for the region. Only in apparel, footwear and electronics did roughly 40% of the increase in imports get matched by a corresponding rise in exports.

In machinery, African exports fell even as imports from China rose, suggesting the bulk of new imports were absorbed by domestic consumption and investment rather than processed and sent onward.

South Africa was not alone in its exposure, with Morocco and Tunisia the only other countries to score “high” overall on the MVI, both because of their deeper integration into global manufacturing chains.

Auberty said the two countries also had the strongest potential to benefit from Chinese-linked assembly opportunities, given their relatively large and competitive manufacturing sectors and logistics capabilities.

She pointed to Morocco as the region’s leading automotive producer, with successful integration into global manufacturing networks, and Tunisia as particularly competitive in textiles and electronics.

Auberty noted this upside came with a risk attached. “These are also among the most exposed economies due to direct Chinese competition in key sectors,” she said, adding that Chinese competition risked offsetting the diversification gains those countries were positioned to make.

By contrast, Nigeria and Cameroon scored lowest on the index. Moody’s said this reflected weak industrialisation rather than resilience, since both economies remain heavily reliant on commodity exports and have limited manufacturing capacity to either compete with or benefit from shifting trade patterns.

Across the continent, Moody’s found that efforts to diversify away from commodity exports had made little progress over the past decade and a half and that South Africa’s own diversification score had barely shifted since 2010. This is despite its comparatively developed manufacturing base, with no country assessed having meaningfully increased its share of industrial exports.

Overall, Moody’s said, these dynamics were likely to constrain rather than support Africa’s broader push to diversify its economies and reduce reliance on commodity exports in the coming years. South Africa, it said, would face the most acute structural pressure on the continent.

Business Times

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Financial mismanagement in local government not only imperils service delivery in towns and cities but also risks causing the financial collapse of water boards, minister of finance Enoch Godongwana told parliament on Friday.

Addressing MPs on the temporary withholding of the equitable share for 69 municipalities, including Johannesburg, he said the National Treasury was working with the department of co-operative governance & traditional affairs (Cogta) to resolve the challenges.

“Co-ordination exists, not only between us and Cogta, but also with the affected departments. [We are working with] the department of water [& sanitation], as water boards are likely to collapse if no action is taken.

“And secondly, [working with] the department of electricity [& energy], we’ve done a couple of things. [We’ve introduced] a debt relief programme. They’re also intervening in terms of the distribution agency agreement. We’re working together to assist these municipalities.”

Parliament’s portfolio committee on Cogta, the standing committees on finance and on appropriations and the standing committee on public accounts called the meeting to discuss the Treasury’s decision to withhold equitable share transfers for July “to instil fiscal discipline and ensure that public money is properly managed”.

National Treasury director-general Duncan Pieterse told MPs that some municipalities are unable to service bulk water accounts, which had almost led to the collapse of Magalies Water and Vaal Central last year. If the Treasury had not intervened, water supply to the provinces they serve — Gauteng, North West, Limpopo, the Northern Cape and Free State — would have been jeopardised.

He said service delivery in the 69 municipalities targeted by the equitable share freeze this month should not be harmed. In such cases, the money was seldom withheld for more than 30 days.

The executive has borrowed its power from one part of the law and its vocabulary from another, and it cannot have both

Nombeko Mbava, FFC

Nombeko Mbava, chair of the Financial & Fiscal Commission, told the committee that while the Municipal Financial Management Act (MFMA) empowered the National Treasury to withhold conditional grants, the equitable share was guaranteed and could not be unilaterally withheld without parliament’s say.

“The executive has borrowed its power from one part of the law and its vocabulary from another, and it cannot have both. The word ‘withhold’ lives only in the Division of Revenue Act, where it governs conditional grants,” she said.

“The word ‘stop’ is the constitutional verb used in section 216 of the constitution and the MFMA, and that verb carries its safeguards with it. The decision may be enforced immediately, but lapses retrospectively, unless parliament approves it within 30 days. The stopping itself lapses after 120 days unless parliament renews it. Renewal is capped at 120 days at a time, and only parliament can grant it.”

Read: Too little oversight and consequence — SA’s food safety system is ailing

Mbava said the equitable share was unconditional and could only be withheld or stopped, by parliament, for persistent and serious constitutional breaches. Even then, it should be employed as a last resort. She took issue with the Treasury on its assertion that the impact on service delivery would be limited.

“The equitable share is not an abstraction. It is a funding line for free basic services; 3.7-million indigent households across these 69 municipalities depend on it for free basic water, electricity, sanitation and refuse removal, and the interruption lands hardest where there is no cushion. Fifteen of these municipalities already have zero months of cash coverage.”

She said when these transfers are stopped, the first casualties are not councils and staff salaries but residents, water treatment chemicals, bulk electricity, and provision of basic service subsidies for indigent households, who were not responsible for the failures of councils.

The minister of Cogta, Velenkosi Hlabisa, told MPS that his department and the National Treasury had a common view on municipalities adopting unfunded budgets, debts to water boards, debts to Eskom and adverse audit outcomes.

“When it comes to the activation of section 216, which brought this meeting into existence, we had a meeting on Tuesday… and ironed out our different approaches, because while we understand it is a constitutional prerogative to activate section 216, Cogta was of the view that a different approach could have been used.”

He said that national and provincial governments also owe municipalities, and the activation did not address the entire value chain of local government financial flows.

Business Times

The Malian army confirmed the attack, saying in a statement that armed groups ambushed the convoy of Malian soldiers and their partners in a remote part of the northern Gao region. It did not give further details, only saying that “a counterattack is under way.”

Both the regional al-Qaida affiliate JNIM and the separatist Azawad Liberation Front claimed responsibility for the attack in separate statements that spoke about “great human losses” and “serious material damage” on the side of the Malian army.

The rebels shared videos purportedly showing the soldiers lined up as they appear to be surrendering while surrounded by the militants and Malian military vehicles. In one of the videos, the rebels were seen opening fire on some soldiers lying on the ground. The Associated Press could not independently verify the videos.

It is the latest in a series of militant attacks against Malian security forces in recent months as armed groups compete for influence and territories in the Sahel region. Landlocked Mali is part of the Sahel, a vast strip of land south of the Sahara Desert that has become the epicentre of extremist violence in recent years.

AP

The Six Nations holders took advantage of the high-tempo, unstructured match with fullback Matthieu Jalibert, lock Alexandre Roumat, scrumhalf Maxime Lucu and flyhalf Romain ​Ntamack all dotting down, and Lucu converting all the scores.

While Japan showed flashes of attacking brilliance, it was a disappointing end to a strong run of matches which included an emphatic 27-10 win over Italy and a dogged 20-36 loss to Ireland in Newcastle, Australia.

France got off to a flier with Lamothe powering over from a lineout maul two minutes after kickoff, an area that Japan coach Eddie Jones said cost his team.

The Brave Blossoms looked shell-shocked in the opening exchanges but they showed some mettle and inched into a slim lead with a penalty from fullback Takuro Matsunaga and a silky piece of counterattacking play finished off by winger Kippei Ishida.

But that score on the 15-minute mark would be the only time they were ahead and minutes later Jalibert, who missed training in the build-up to the game with an adductor problem, found himself in acres of space as a ragged Japan backpedalled towards their line.

Japan lost a man to the sin bin in the lead-up to Jalibert’s try and France took full advantage. Lock Alexandre Roumat rolled over from another driving lineout before scrumhalf Maxime Lucu grabbed the bonus-point try.

The Brave Blossoms rallied before the break with prop Sojiro Otsuka bulldozing through several French defenders from a close-range tap penalty to bring the scores to 15-28 at halftime.

Like the first period, France struck within minutes when play resumed: Lucu flipped a switch pass to his halfback partner ​Ntamack, who juggled the ball before jinking over the whitewash. Soon after, Lamothe muscled through for his second try.

France lost two players to the sin bin in the final quarter of the match but still Japan could not add to their tally with the hot and humid conditions taking their toll on both sides.

Replacement Tiennan Costley looked to have scored moments after coming on but it was ruled out for a double movement.

“We’re only going to get better from here,” Japan coach Jones told the 53,000 crowd in a post-match interview on the sidelines.

The new Nations Championship, in which 12 sides from both Northern and Southern Hemispheres compete, will return for another three matches in November before a finals weekend to be held in London.

The All Blacks scored six tries in front of a heaving crowd to finish the Southern Hemisphere leg of the inaugural Nations Championship with a perfect 3-0 record under new coach Dave Rennie.

The hosts raced out to a 28-7 lead by halftime at their rugby stronghold, with early tries to Patrick Tuipulotu, captain Ardie Savea, Will Jordan and replacement hooker Asafo Aumua.

Fullback Damian McKenzie and Anton Lienert-Brown added another two five-pointers after the break as the All Blacks fired a warning shot at world champions South Africa before their upcoming tour there.

“The Irish boys are a tough side. We had to work really hard for our points in that second half. But awesome to come away with a tough Test win,” McKenzie said pitchside after the match.

Rennie’s selections bore early fruit as the repositioned Tupou Vaa’i made a blistering start at blindside flanker and the new second row of Tuipulotu and Josh Lord combined for the first try on 15 minutes.

A strong carry by Vaa’i on the right shredded Ireland’s defence, and Tuipulotu latched onto a pass from Lord to thunder over the line.

Not 10 minutes later, New Zealand had doubled the lead, with Savea exploding out the back of a scrum near the line for their second five-pointer.

The momentum stalled when loose forward Luke Jacobson earned a yellow card for a high clean-out, allowing Ireland to rally through their forwards.

They rumbled to the line, and a charging Jack Conan barrelled over from two metres out, taking a laser pass out of a ruck from scrumhalf Jamison Gibson-Park.

Ireland’s joy turned to despair two minutes later as Jordan scooped up an errant pass inside the Irish 22 and cantered over for his sixth try of the season.

Aumua made it four tries for the hosts, planting the ball on the chalk near the right post on the cusp of halftime.

Lock Joe McCarthy delivered the spark Ireland badly needed early in the second half, crashing over the line under the posts, thanks in part to a helpful shove by hooker-captain Dan Sheehan.

Again, the All Blacks hit back quickly with pace and unrelenting pressure.

With quick hands shifting the ball to the left, flyhalf Ruben Love was stopped a foot from the line but fullback McKenzie scooped up the recycled ball and popped it over.

Ireland again drew within two converted tries after the hour-mark, with fullback Hugo Keenan crossing unmarked at the left corner after another forwards-led assault.

The All Blacks had the last reply, though, as a Jordan off-load found Lienert-Brown, who finished off Ireland with a sixth try in the final minutes.

Ireland captain Dan Sheehan said afterwards: “We were pumped up to be here, to get the opportunity to play at Eden Park ... The All Blacks are a classy outfit and they’ll punish you if you’re not on your A-game and at times we weren’t. Especially, our discipline let us down today a little bit. But I’m proud of the boys and proud of the season we had.”

Reuters

The interim government of President Delcy Rodriguez added in a statement that the number of injured remains unchanged at 16,740, as in the past 11 days.

Ongoing recovery and debris-clearing operations have led to the increase in the death toll, particularly in the coastal state of La Guaira, the hardest hit by the quakes close to the Caribbean Sea. A total of 1,331 aftershocks had been recorded by Friday.

Venezuela’s government says 856 buildings are damaged and 190 collapsed completely since the 7.2 and 7.5 quakes on June 24. Hundreds of other types of structures, such as bridges and roads, were also affected.

AP

The Canadian military was preparing on Saturday to evacuate a remote community of 600 people threatened by forest wildfires that have spread, choking smoke across a broad swath of the US.

Federal emergencies minister Eleanor Olszewski said late on Friday that the armed forces would use aircraft to evacuate the inhabitants of Fort Hope in sparsely populated northwestern Ontario, where some of the most intense fires are burning.

The region has few roads and relies heavily on air travel. Thousands of people have already been evacuated from affected areas to cities farther south in Ontario.

Major forest fires have become a regular annual occurrence in Canada, home to some of the world’s largest forest landscapes. Climate experts say rising temperatures have led to drier timber and increased fire risk.

The federal natural resources ministry on Saturday said 69 new fires had been reported overnight in Canada, bringing the number to 955.

The total area burnt so far is almost 28,500 square kilometres, well below the five-year average. But winds have carried the smoke south of the border, prompting authorities to issue air quality alerts and health warnings in parts of the US.

As of 1200 GMT, the US Environmental Protection Agency’s AirNow site rated the air quality as “unhealthy” in an area including southern Ontario, eastern areas of Ohio and West Virginia, most of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, much of Virginia and all of Maryland, Delaware and Washington, D.C.

Parts of western Pennsylvania, including Pittsburgh, were rated “very unhealthy”. AirNow predicted that the air quality in those areas would improve over the course of the day.

Smoke from the Canadian fires will have only a minimal impact on Sunday’s soccer World Cup final at New York New Jersey Stadium, forecaster AccuWeather said on Friday.

President Donald Trump on Friday blamed what he called incompetent Canadian forest management for the smoke and said he would add the “incalculable cost” of dealing with the pollution to existing tariffs on Canadian goods.

After Trump’s comments, Olszewski said Canada has invested C$12bn in forest sustainability and fire prevention since 2020 as the country confronts increasingly drier, warmer weather conditions.

Reuters

“July is national savings month, and it is a good reminder to evaluate our financial habits,” says Therese Grobler, head of wealth management at Momentum Financial Planning.

“It’s a common misconception that investing requires a large amount of capital. This belief results in people delaying their financial journeys, waiting for an ideal moment or some kind of financial windfall. In reality, wealth creation is less dependent on how much you initially save and invest and more reliant on time, discipline and consistency,

She advises:

• Consistent investing allows you to benefit from the magic of compound interest, earning returns on both your principal capital and the accumulated growth over time;
• Your financial goals will change during the course of your career — a qualified financial adviser can help to keep you on track as your needs and focus change; and
• Form consistent saving habits today that will help you to build long-term dignity, security and financial independence for which your future self will be grateful.

Business Times

It’s a real estate agency that I have proudly led for more than 26 years. My passion has always been to build a business that puts people before profit while developing exceptional property professionals.

What are your main tasks at work each day?

My role centres on leadership and growth. I recruit, train, coach and mentor our team, while overseeing the strategic direction of the business. One of my greatest passions is helping people discover their potential and equipping them with the skills and confidence to build successful careers in real estate.

What do you think makes you good at what you do?

I genuinely enjoy teaching and seeing others succeed. I believe experience only becomes truly valuable when it is shared. Combining practical industry knowledge with encouragement and mentorship allows me to help people grow both professionally and personally.

You left a job in finance to work in property. What lessons did this teach you about yourself and your career?

Leaving the security of a career in finance taught me that growth often begins outside your comfort zone. It reinforced my belief that change is possible, dreams are achievable and new skills can be learnt with commitment and perseverance. That decision shaped not only my career but also my purpose.

What characteristics do good leaders have?

Great leaders listen before they lead. They show empathy, communicate with honesty, provide constructive guidance and inspire others to become the best version of themselves. Leadership is not about being in charge; it’s about helping others succeed.

What do you look for when recruiting for your team?

Skills can be taught, but attitude is everything. I look for people with integrity, resilience, a willingness to learn and the determination to pursue their goals consistently. Those qualities are often the greatest indicators of long-term success.

What career advice do you have for someone considering moving to a new industry?

Don’t be afraid to start again. Be willing to learn, remain patient with the process and commit to showing up consistently every day. Every expert was once a beginner, and with the right mindset, persistence and work ethic, success becomes a matter of time rather than chance.

Every challenge I’ve faced has taught me something valuable. Resilience isn’t about never falling; it’s about getting up every time and continuing to move forward with purpose.

Business Times

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The insurance industry is in talks to establish a structure aimed at curbing fraudulent claims amid concerns about “murder-for-insurance” cases, says Bongani Madikiza, CEO of Sanlam Retail Mass.

South Africa’s insurance industry has been rocked by fraudulent claims in which, in some instances, people allegedly kill relatives to get life insurance and funeral policy payouts.

Madikiza said Sanlam — one of South Africa’s biggest non-bank financial services groups — pays about R10bn a year in claims, of which between 4% and 6% are fraudulent.

“Our biggest issue is when people are prepared to kill to get money; it is a problem,” Madikiza said.

The rationale for the proposed structure is to identify fraudsters who target multiple insurers.

“If I have been defrauded, I should be able to go to a structure and say this is a person who defrauded us. If there is one criticism as an industry, it is that we did not put that structure together quick enough,” he said.

The industry is in discussions to ensure that the structure complies with antitrust laws, he said.

Julius Sikhuza, executive of new ventures at Sanlam Retail Mass, said there is precedent for this type of collaboration in the banking sector.

“There is precedent for that kind of collaboration. The banks do it well; short-term insurance does it well. It would be useful to have an independent body that looks at the data,” Sikhuza said.

The Association for Savings and Investment South Africa (Asisa) said in its previous fraud statistics that the industry is “particularly focused” on eliminating murder-for-insurance payouts and deceased estate fraud.

Asisa said that of the 5,505 fraudulent and dishonest life insurance claims recorded in 2024, 38 were murder-for-money cases.

Arno Jansen van Vuuren, head of retail marketing at Old Mutual, confirmed that the industry is collaborating to combat fraud.

He said Asisa is leading an industry-wide working group investigating the establishment of a platform that would allow insurers to share information on suspected or known fraudulent activities.

The ability to share relevant fraud intelligence in a controlled and legally compliant manner has the potential to significantly enhance fraud prevention capabilities across the insurance sector.

Arno Jansen van Vuuren, head of retail marketing at Old Mutual

Van Vuuren expects the industry to benefit from, among other things, shared intelligence and early identification of organised fraud syndicates operating across the industry.

“The ability to share relevant fraud intelligence in a controlled and legally compliant manner has the potential to significantly enhance fraud prevention capabilities across the insurance sector,” he said.

Van Vuuren said Old Mutual is part of these industry discussions as part of broader efforts to strengthen the sector’s response to financial crime.

He said that in 2025 Old Mutual paid R5.6bn in death claims, including funeral policies, and recorded 32 fraudulent claims, all involving death claims, compared with the previous year when 23 out of 30 fraudulent claims related to death claims.

Prominent fraudulent insurance claims include those made by convicted serial killer and former policewoman Rosemary Ndlovu, who was found guilty of murdering six people, including her mother, children and life partner after taking out policies on their lives.

Commenting on industry efforts to curb fraudulent claims, the head of life insurance marketing and enablement at Momentum, George Kolbe, said the group focused on paying legitimate claims promptly while addressing fraudulent claims swiftly and appropriately.

“We will support a workable industry-wide solution that addresses the root of fraudulent activity in a practical way,” he said.

Kolbe said that in 2025, Momentum’s Myriad life insurance product paid out R5.9bn in claims to clients and their beneficiaries. This included R3.97bn in death claims, R1.04bn in critical illness claims, R602m in lump-sum disability claims and R310m in income protection claims.

While the group views all fraudulent claims seriously, Kolbe said these make up a very small percentage of total claims for fully underwritten life cover products at Momentum.

“We monitor trends in this area and remain vigilant to continuously strengthen our detection capabilities to respond to evolving risks,” he said.

Read: Fraud drains R30bn from South Africa’s health-care sector

Madikiza said efforts to stamp out fraudulent policies have resulted in calls from some quarters for consent requirements for funeral cover, but warned this would inconvenience genuine policyholders.

“We know all these documents are manufactured. That letter of consent will be forged. We get a lot of documents that are forged, and we turn them away. We also think there are some we don’t get.”

Madikiza said requirements around proving lineage and obtaining consent for life cover have not necessarily stopped the problem, as people had still been killed despite consenting to policies.

“If I know I am not going to get caught, I take a chance. I believe our people believe they will not get caught; the system has become too lax,” he said.

He said proof of lineage alone has not prevented fraudulent claims.

Sanlam — which acquired Assupol for R6.5bn to expand into the entry-level market — completed 74 conversions across Sanlam Retail Mass and Assupol and opened 27 new branches in 2025. It aims to have more than 200 branches by the end of this year.

Business Times

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The head of Future Forex says the souring of relations with the US demonstrates that South Africa needs to diversify its trade partners, and businesses should make sure they use the most economical and efficient ways of transacting across borders.

And the co-founder of cross-payment platform Verto, Ola Oyetayo, points to cryptocurrency as key way to ease the “overdose” of red tape that complicates intra-Africa trade.

Harry Scherzer, CEO of Future Forex, said US-South Africa tensions underscored the importance of diversifying trade relationships, particularly because the US was South Africa’s second-largest trading partner after China.

“We’re not in America’s good books, and any time there’s uncertainty around a major trading relationship, it’s a reminder that we can’t afford to rely too heavily on a single market,” Scherzer said. “Diversifying our trade relationships strengthens resilience and creates more opportunities for South African businesses.”

African businesses are facing increased trade challenges such as US tariff hikes, supply chain disruptions due to the Iran war and an EU-sponsored tax on carbon-intensive imports in the form of the carbon border adjustment mechanism.

Though the African Continental Free-Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) seeks to boost trade within the continent, it is often more expensive for a business in an African country to send money to another business elsewhere in Africa than for either of them to send or receive money from London.

Scherzer said South African SMEs trading internationally faced two key challenges: managing currency risk and navigating the country’s exchange control regulations. Businesses exposed to foreign currencies without any form of hedging risk were seeing exchange rate movements erode already-tight margins.

We have an overdose of institutions. We need multilateral frameworks and policies.

Ola Oyetayo, co-founder of cross-payment platform Verto

“One of the things you can do through providers like Future Forex is lock in your exchange rate in advance. That protects your business from adverse currency movements and gives you certainty over your costs, rather than leaving your margins exposed to market volatility.”

He said hidden foreign exchange margins imposed by banks and other financial institutions could significantly reduce the amount of dollars, pounds or euros landing on the other side of the transaction.

Scherzer said some of these providers widen their foreign exchange margins, particularly when the rand strengthens, without necessarily telling their clients. Beyond pricing, he said compliance remains critical for businesses making international payments.

“South Africa has strict exchange control regulations, so moving funds offshore isn’t as straightforward as it is in many other countries. Businesses need to ensure the correct South African Reserve Bank requirements are met and that the appropriate balance of payments code is applied. If these requirements aren’t handled correctly, payments can be delayed and, in some cases, businesses may face regulatory complications.”

Oyetayo, CEO of Verto, told Business Times that it was easier for a business in South Africa to pay a business in London than pay a business elsewhere on the continent.

“There’s no lack of will and policies that aim to reduce the current friction in payments within Africa and outside of Africa. The challenge we are facing is implementation. One of the reasons is the regulatory silos that we have.”

Read: Banks’ ‘boys club’ gets entrenched in latest round of executive appointments

He said that while agreements such as the pan-African payments & settlement system were positive, the proliferation of regulators with different systems was a hindrance to cross-border transactions. “What doesn’t need to happen is more institutions or more regulatory frameworks. We have an overdose of institutions. We need multilateral frameworks and policies.”

He said fintech companies and the private sector were taking the lead with the adoption of stablecoins as a response to cross-border payment challenges. While regulators catch up, private sector innovators are already doing what the public is asking for, he said.

The recently released African Export-Import Bank “Africa Trade Report” said aggregate inflation moderated significantly from 21.6% in 2024 to 13.1% in 2025, with some countries recording a rate as low as 3%. Merchandise trade expanded 6.1% in the period to about $1.5-trillion (R25-trillion), and intra-African trade grew 5.5% to about $213.8bn.

“These outcomes reflect improving macroeconomic management, strengthening institutions, expanding regional co-operation, and the determination of African countries to sustain growth despite a complex global environment,” the bank said.

The report said Africa must act urgently to harness global fragmentation as an engine of resilient, inclusive growth and value-added, sustainable trade.

Business Times

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India’s Sun Pharmaceutical Industries has received approval from South Africa’s health regulator to manufacture and sell a generic version of semaglutide, the active ingredient in Novo Nordisk’s top-selling diabetes and obesity drugs.

Novo’s patent on semaglutide ― used in diabetes drug Ozempic and weight-loss treatment Wegovy ― expired in March, prompting expectations of a wave of cheaper generics from local and international medicine makers.

The entry of generics also poses a challenge to US company Eli Lilly, which has launched blockbuster diabetes and obesity drugs in South Africa as well.

The approval from the Health Products Regulatory Authority makes South Africa the second market, after India, where Sun Pharma has secured clearance for a generic semaglutide injection, the company said.

The approval is for adults with inadequately controlled type 2 diabetes.

Sun Pharma said it plans to launch the product in South Africa in the coming days. The medicine will be sold as a pre-filled, multi-dose injectable pen in two strengths — 2mg and 4mg — for once-weekly use.

“We remain committed to improving access to generics and making evidence-based treatment options available to patients and health care professionals,” said Sun Pharma’s COO Aalok Shanghvi.

South Africa’s weight-loss drug market is dominated by Eli Lilly’s Mounjaro and Novo’s Ozempic and Wegovy, though the products face growing competition from compounded versions of the medicines.

Regulators have been increasing efforts to monitor and regulate the compounded-drug market amid strong demand for low-cost treatments.

Reuters

The group said in a statement on Thursday that it had entered into consultations in line with section 189A of the Labour Relations Act with finance union Sasbo on Thursday morning.

The bank said this action has not been taken lightly and is a direct result of its “current business realities”.

The company said it was in a corner with little options but to review staff costs.

“While we continue to explore all cost-saving avenues to minimise the impact on people, we have reached a point where we have no other option, but to review our staff costs,” said the group.

It said this would impact employees across the various functions of the business, potentially resulting in 1,200 job losses, which could also include the closure of 90 branches.

We understand that this is a difficult period for the business and our people. However, it is necessary for the future sustainability of the business

Zweli Manyathi, interim CEO

Interim CEO Zweli Manyathi said the contemplated job cuts were important to ensure the sustainability of the group’s future.

“We understand that this is a difficult period for the business and our people. However, it is necessary for the future sustainability of the business,” he said.

Manyathi said African Bank will manage this process alongside Sasbo and await their feedback from their engagement to determine the next steps and craft the process going forward.

Manyathi allayed fears by reassuring its customers, investors and stakeholders that it remained capitalised above minimum regulatory requirements, with adequate liquidity to meet its obligations.

In June African Bank posted a R624m loss for the half-year ended March 2026. It also announced a “redefined” strategy focused on operational consolidation.

The group flagged that its cost base surpassed its risk-adjusted revenue. As a result, it was now focused on tightening the belt and increasing efficiencies across the board including IT, procurement, its lease agreement costs and other operational costs.

The group, which has been on an acquisition spree after buying Grindrod, Ubank and Sasfin’s Capital Equipment and Commercial Property Finance, also announced its decision to further delay its initial public offering to 2030.

TimesLIVE

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Exxaro Resources, which listed on the JSE 20 years ago, this week launched its Lephalale Solar Project in Limpopo, the first operating solar plant in the mining industry to power an operating coal mine.

The Lephalale Solar Project, a subsidiary of Cinnergi, Exxaro’s renewable business, this week marked the transition from a development project to an operational asset.

Designed to generate about 176 GWh of renewable energy a year, it supplies renewable power directly to Exxaro’s flagship Grootegeluk Mine which supplies the Medupi and Matimba power stations.

The plant is a boost for Exxaro’s carbon reduction ambitions, as it will cut the group’s carbon footprint by 17% and for the Grootegeluk mine by 25%. It will trim Exxaro’s power costs by R100m a year.

Spread across 185 hectares, the plant comprises 129,024 solar modules and delivers 68 Megawatts of alternating current (MWac) at the point of connection.

Exxaro supplies 30% of South Africa’s coal through its coal supply to Eskom’s power plants.

Speaking at the plant this week, CEO Ben Magara said it was the first solar plant in the mining industry to power an operating coal mine. “This is Exxaro’s contribution not only to South Africa and to our just energy transition in reducing emissions, reducing our costs, but particularly it is about creating jobs and economic growth,” he said.

More than 800 jobs were created during the construction of the plant, and more jobs are set to be created as Cinnergi plans to construct a battery energy facility of 100MW at the Lephalale Solar Plant. The company is also looking into a second phase in the solar plant as it plans to feed green electrons to its power plants.

Cinnergi, the renewable business, has a 20-year power purchase agreement with Northam Platinum to supply 140MW of clean electricity from the Karreebosch Wind Farm to support Northam’s operations.

Read: MZILA MTHENJANE | It actually takes more than a village

Megara said the strategy was to have all Exxaro coal mines powered by green energy by 2030.

Through Cinnergi, Exxaro produces under 500MW of renewable energy from wind and solar, which is expected to double by the end of next year, and beyond 2030 it will be 1,600MW.

The construction of the solar plant comes as Limpopo positions itself at the centre of the just energy transition and decarbonisation agenda, according to MEC for economic development, environment and tourism, Tshitereke Baldwin Matibe, who was at the plant.

“We are diversifying from solely being known for our rich mineral resources and extractive industry to becoming a leading destination for renewable energy investment,” he said.

With roots in Iscor, Exxaro Resources was founded after Kumba Resources spun off its iron ore assets and established Exxaro Resources and Kumba Iron Ore.

Iscor was South Africa’s iron and steel giant, which unbundled in two separate iron ore and steel companies in 2001 — Kumba Iron Ore and ArcelorMittal South Africa, which are listed on the JSE.

We are diversifying from solely being known for our rich mineral resources and extractive industry to becoming a leading destination for renewable energy investment.

Tshitereke Baldwin Matibe, economic development, environment & tourism MEC

Exxaro, with a R75bn market capitalisation, has paid R85bn in 46 consecutive dividend payouts and special dividends since it listed in 2006. Magara said since listing two decades ago Exxaro has been cash generating, profitable and a dividend payer due to its “defensive portfolio” because of the annuity linked to its Eskom portfolio.

While the group can do more to drive its export business, it has consistently generated profits and paid dividends to investors.

“The impact it has made on original founders and investors is amazing. So you will find the broad-based nature of the Eyesizwe structure, which is our BEE structure, and the rural women who had nothing, and how their kids are now medical doctors and engineers, how their own houses have moved from just normal mud into a well-built five-bedroomed house with borehole water and solar ... So the impact has gone beyond mining,” he said.

Exxaro is a diversified mining company focused on energy, coal and manganese. It became the fourth largest manganese producer in the world after it acquired assets from Ntsimbintle Holdings and OM Holdings in a R10.6bn acquisition two years ago.

A few years ago some lenders would not fund new coal mining projects; however, the trajectory has changed.

There has been a more pragmatic approach to appreciating that the global energy mix and the just transition in South Africa still require coal for a long time, said Magara.

“It is important to have baseload, and that baseload comes from reliable sources like coal; it could also come from gas but gas projects have been delayed, which means coal is going to be here for longer,” Megara said.

He indicated that pragmatism towards coal has been evidenced by the increasing of bank facilities from R10bn to R13bn involving credit facilities at ever more attractive interest rates.

Business Times

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Years of reinvesting in the horse racing and betting industry, along with some key acquisitions, have enabled the Hollywood Racing Group to help keep the industry going into the future.

Hollywoodbets brand and communications manager Devin Heffer told Business Times the company had embarked on an extensive journey to help revive South African horse racing at a time when parts of the industry faced financial collapse, with thousands of jobs and decades of racing heritage at risk.

In May 2020, the racing operator Phumelela went into business rescue. At the time, it owned and ran horse racing operations in Gauteng and the Eastern Cape, and managed racing in the Western Cape under a management agreement.

“Phumelela would eventually be replaced by 4Racing, an organisation generously financed by Mary Slack (nee Oppenheimer),” Heffer said.

At the time, Western Cape Racing was on the verge of business rescue, or worse, liquidation. The business was haemorrhaging from significant and continuous operational losses. Without any obligation, 4Racing had honoured the management arrangement it inherited from Phumelela but was reluctant to permanently take ownership.

“It was immediately apparent that there would be no solution without altruism,” said Heffer. “The Hollywood Group put their hands up and said, ‘We firmly believe that we can make a positive and sustainable impact on the industry.’ In the end, Cape Racing decided to go with us. It was a huge leap of faith,” said Heffer.

“In 2019, we began assisting Gold Circle, which was the KwaZulu-Natal race operator at the time and experiencing a bad financial period.

“Our involvement didn’t begin with the acquisition of Gold Circle. We’d already spent several years helping to keep racing operational through sponsorships and financial assistance.”

It was immediately apparent that there would be no solution without altruism. The Hollywood Group put their hands up and said, ‘We firmly believe that we can make a positive and sustainable impact on the industry.’

Devin Heffer, Hollywoodbets brand and communications manager

However, when Covid hit, Gold Circle was on its last legs. The pandemic worsened an already difficult financial position. Racing was suspended, owners began leaving the sport, horse numbers declined, and confidence across the industry weakened.

Hollywoodbets invested even more to make sure that the KwaZulu-Natal horse racing industry stayed alive and big revenue-generating events for eThekwini, like the Durban July, which held its 130th instalment earlier this month, could continue.

“In April 2024, [we got the news] that Gold Circle would sell the organisation to us. We had to wait a year for it to be passed by the Competition Commission and the KwaZulu-Natal economic regulator. Before we even received approval, we got to work and began investing in the infrastructure, especially the Greyville racecourse and the Summerveld training centre.”

Heffer said that in May 2025 “we launched Race Coast, where we would take Western Cape Racing and KwaZulu-Natal Racing and amalgamate them under one banner. This investment into both provinces saved more than 15,000 jobs and kept the sport going in these regions.

“This has a knock-on effect on the 60,000 people in South Africa who work directly with the horse racing industry and 300,000 who benefit from it indirectly.”

Other investments into the space by the Hollywood Group include a R17m investment into the South African Jockey Academy to secure the future of South Africa’s next generation of jockeys.

Read: SA reforms bolster investor appeal, says Turlov

About R1.5-trillion was estimated to have been wagered in the gambling industry, compared with the R1.43-trillion turnover generated during the previous financial year, the Treasury’s discussion paper on the gambling regulation proposals said from 2024/25 National Gambling Board statistics.

“Most of the turnover, about 75% or R1.126-trillion, came from betting activities, whereas 19.5% or R292.8bn came from casinos. Limited payout machines and Bingo did not contribute significantly to the turnover, where each contributed about 3.6% or R54.7bn and 1.8% or R27.5bn, respectively.

“Interestingly, from the turnover from betting, about 98.8% or R1.112-trillion was on sports betting, and the remainder horse racing.”

Gross gambling revenue, which represents turnover, or money staked minus winnings paid to players, amounted to R74.5bn, a 25.6% increase from the previous financial year.

The Competition Commission said that it recommended that the Competition Tribunal approve Hollywood Racing Enterprises’ acquisition of Gold Circle with conditions.

“The commission is of the view that the proposed transaction is unlikely to substantially lessen or prevent competition in any market. To address public interest concerns, the merged entity agreed to a condition that they shall not retrench employees as a result of the merger for a period of two years following the merger implementation date.”

Business Times

Australia ended a run of six successive defeats, including their first two matches in the new competition at home to Ireland and France over the last fortnight, with Tom Wright, Brandon Paenga-Amosa, Angus Bell, Len Ikitau, Billy Pollard and Ben Donaldson also scoring in a feast of nine tries.

Ryan Lonergan added five conversions and Donaldson one more while captain Michele Lamaro and Australia-born Monty Ioane scored tries for the Italians.

Australia raced to a convincing 38-5 halftime lead as they laid the platform for their first Test win since beating Japan in Tokyo last October.

It was the last game in charge for coach Schmidt, who is retiring and departs the Wallabies with a record of 12 wins and 19 defeats, including losing last year’s British & Irish Lions series, and hands over to Les Kiss with 15 months before Australia hosts the 2027 Rugby World Cup.

The Wallabies went through multiple phases of attack in the opening three minutes before lock Canham crossed for their first try and they had two more scores before the 20-minute mark in a blitzing start to the contest as Wright and Paenga-Amosa also went over.

Canham’s second try came in the 27th minute after Lamaro had put Italy on the board and by halftime Bell and Ikitau had all but secured success.

The Wallabies were also ahead at halftime in their previous two games against the Irish and French, but any fears of a second half slip after Ioane powered over for Italy soon after the restart were dispelled minutes later as Canham completed his hat-trick.

“Because of how well the forward pack went tonight, I didn’t have to do too much,” said Canham.

“We’ve put in a lot of hard work in the past three weeks. It’s been frustrating to not get the results over the last couple of weeks, but it’s good tonight with more of a full performance.”

Italy’s coach Gonzalo Quesada was barred from the match venue and from having any contact with the team after being banned for comments made after last week’s 47-17 loss to New Zealand.

He was the first to fall foul of new sanctions for criticism of match officials, but an initial two-game ban was downgraded to a single match after an appeal.

There was also a rare red card for Italian replacement Marco Riccioni, who despite not being involved in the game got sent to the stands for rushing into a sideline scuffle between the two teams.

Italy have lost all three of their Nations Championship games with defeats to Japan and New Zealand in their earlier games this month.

Reuters

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While much of the global alcohol industry grapples with slowing demand, Pernod Ricard is finding growth in Africa.

The French premium spirits group says Africa and the Middle East delivered double-digit growth in 2025, making it one of the company’s fastest-growing regions, even as consumers in many developed markets cut back on spending.

The performance is prompting Pernod Ricard to deepen investment in South Africa, where it is increasingly relying on AI and predictive analytics to understand consumer behaviour, refine marketing campaigns and position its premium brands for a younger generation of drinkers.

Africa and the Middle East have been one of the biggest growing regions for Pernod Ricard, growing double digits. That momentum hasn’t stopped.

Pernod Ricard Africa MD Sola Oke said Africa’s demographics continue to distinguish the region from mature markets facing ageing populations and weaker demand. “Africa and the Middle East have been one of the biggest growing regions for Pernod Ricard, growing double digits. That momentum hasn’t stopped.”

He said the company continued to navigate inflation, higher excise duties and geopolitical uncertainty, including tariffs and supply-chain disruptions, but believes Africa’s long-term fundamentals remain intact. “Africa has the youngest population in the world. That is where the opportunity lies.”

Pernod Ricard is focusing on understanding why, where and how consumers are drinking.

The company has rolled out several AI-powered platforms across its African business that analyse where consumers drink — whether in restaurants, bars or other social settings — and identify the occasions and experiences influencing purchasing decisions.

It also has another platform that determines where marketing budgets will have the greatest impact, analysing the effectiveness of television, billboards, digital advertising and other media channels.

Its sales use AI tools to optimise promotions and pricing at retail outlets, while a generative AI platform enables marketers to produce campaign concepts and digital content in hours instead of months. “In any business that wants to grow, you first have to understand the consumer,” Oke said.

“If you understand where consumers are, where they want to go and how they experience brands, then you can adapt your products to what they are looking for.”

The investment reflects a broader shift in drinking habits.

Consumers are no longer drinking in the same way they did a decade ago, Oke said. Younger consumers are moving away from traditional nightlife towards restaurants, entertainment and curated experiences, forcing premium drinks companies to rethink how they engage with customers. “Consumers are not drinking less. They’re changing how and where they drink.”

The trend has reinforced premiumisation, with consumers opting to buy fewer but higher-quality drinks. “Consumers may not buy premium products every week, but when they do they want quality, authenticity and heritage.”

South Africa remains one of Pernod Ricard’s most important markets on the continent. Jameson continues to be the company’s flagship brand locally and across Africa, while Martell cognac, Glenlivet single malt whisky, Ballantine’s Scotch whisky and Chivas Regal are still among its strongest performers.

Oke said Pernod Ricard benefits from one of the broadest premium spirits portfolios globally, allowing it to compete across whisky, cognac, gin, tequila and champagne markets.

Annual excise duty increases continue to place pressure on both producers and consumers, while inflation and the rising cost of living have squeezed discretionary spending

Premium whisky is one of the most fiercely contested categories in South Africa, alongside cognac and single malts, while tequila is emerging as one of the fastest-growing spirits categories globally as consumers seek new drinking occasions.

Oke believes tequila is one category to watch over the coming years as younger consumers increasingly embrace the spirit, mirroring trends already evident in the US and other developed markets. “Tequila is becoming quite competitive globally. In a market like the US there has been a real shift towards tequila. You see celebrities buying into tequila brands and building those brands.”

The trend is beginning to filter through to African markets, where tequila is gaining traction among younger consumers.

Although the broader gin category has cooled after years of explosive growth, Pernod Ricard’s South African luxury gin, Inverroche, continues to outperform the market, said Oke. Pernod Ricard, which bought Inverrroche in February last year, is expanding the brand beyond the South African market, positioning the Stilbaai-produced brand as Africa’s premium gin.

Oke said Inverroche was steadily gaining market share locally and growing in other parts of Africa. “It’s a proudly South African brand that we want to scale across Africa and then the rest of the world.”

The operating environment nevertheless remains challenging. Annual excise duty increases continue to place pressure on both producers and consumers, while inflation and the rising cost of living have squeezed discretionary spending.

The illicit alcohol trade has also emerged as one of the industry’s biggest threats. According to the Drinks Federation of South Africa, counterfeit and illicit alcohol now account for an estimated 18% of the local market, depriving the government of tax revenue while exposing consumers to potentially unsafe products.

Oke said Pernod Ricard and its competitors were working together through the federation, partnering with retailers, the South African Revenue Service and law enforcement agencies to identify outlets selling counterfeit alcohol and support enforcement operations. “It’s revenue that the government is not getting, and, as an industry, it’s a big concern,” he said.

The company has also invested in product authentication technology, allowing bottles to be traced through the supply chain and tested if counterfeit products are suspected.

Despite cost pressures and regulatory headwinds, Pernod Ricard is optimistic about Africa’s long-term prospects. For Oke, success will depend not only on having iconic brands but also on understanding consumers better than competitors.

“The consumer is changing. The businesses that understand those changes the fastest will be the ones that continue to grow.”

Business Times

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Mandatory mediation is reshaping South Africa’s justice system as court backlogs drive demand for faster dispute resolution, creating new opportunities for trained mediators.

As civil trial dates in Gauteng, which grapples with most of South Africa’s commercial disputes, stretch to as far as 2031, mandatory mediation has emerged as a key tool to ease pressure on South Africa’s courts.

A high court directive requiring parties in civil matters to attempt mediation before applying for a trial date was introduced in April 2025, after deputy chief justice Dunstan Mlambo said more than 85% of trial matters ultimately settle without judicial intervention.

“When court dates are years away, many people understandably question whether the justice system is able to deliver timely access to justice,” said STADIO Higher Education head of law Anri Lock Ferguson.

“The infringement or dispute remains hanging, potentially costing parties thousands or even millions of rands,” she said, adding that the system faced “systemic” challenges, with “justice’s wheel turning too slowly” in South Africa.

Lock Ferguson said mandatory mediation could significantly change how civil disputes are resolved, with commercial, contractual and family disputes among those that could often be settled before reaching trial.

Rather than replacing lawyers, she said mediation formalises settlement negotiations by introducing an independent third party to help disputing parties reach agreement.

‘An extra step’

While public acceptance of mediation is growing, Lock Ferguson said some legal practitioners remain sceptical, viewing mandatory mediation as “an extra step” that can add tens of thousands of rands in legal costs if disputes still proceed to trial.

She argued, however, that resolving disputes before trial could ultimately save individuals and businesses both time and money.

“In most instances, disputes can be resolved through mediation or other forms of alternative dispute resolution, thereby circumventing the need to set foot in a court. It’s more expedient and generally far more affordable,” she said.

Lock Ferguson said greater regulation of the mediation field would be needed to build confidence among legal practitioners and the public.

“If the mediation industry is better regulated and the training is all of a certain standard, then it might be a little more well received in legal practice and by the broader public,” she said.

To address demand for qualified mediators, STADIO’s School of Law has partnered with the Social Justice Association to offer practical mediation training. The five-day programme combines theoretical foundations with role-play exercises and simulated mediations, and is open to participants without a law qualification.

The Social Justice Association serves on bodies including the Association of Dispute Resolution Practitioners of South Africa, the National Accreditation Board for Family Mediators and the Dispute Settlement Accreditation Council.

Lock Ferguson said practical experience was essential in preparing mediators to deal with complex disputes. “You need the practical simulations and role plays to know how to resolve an issue,” she said.

Mediation offered opportunities beyond the legal sector, with social workers, educators, human resource practitioners, business professionals and others able to enter the field.

However, building a mediation practice required more than completing a course, with practitioners often relying on professional networks, referrals and accreditation bodies to access matters.

The most important qualities for mediators, Lock Ferguson said, were the ability to listen, remain objective and help parties reach consensus rather than impose solutions. “You are not there to talk and sort things out on behalf of the parties. You are there as a facilitator to help them reach consensus.”

Laurie Greyvenstein, chair of the Social Justice Association of ADR Practitioners, said demand for mediation had increased as legal costs, court delays and pressure on judicial resources pushed more people to consider alternatives to litigation.

“Rising legal costs, lengthy court delays and increasing pressure on judicial resources have encouraged both legal practitioners and members of the public to consider mediation as a first option rather than a last resort,” she said.

Greyvenstein said the shift reflected a growing recognition of the different roles played by courts and mediation. “People are beginning to realise that while courts determine rights, mediation helps people find solutions.”

Business Times

There were no casualties or major damage, but the June 25 attack set off a chain of hostilities that would put the two countries on a path back toward all-out war less than a month after they agreed to stop fighting.

Each strike and counterstrike chipped away at the pillars of the agreement, which has now collapsed, though there are still efforts to salvage it. Red lines set by both sides have been crossed. A return to full-scale war that would further destabilise the Middle East and disrupt the world economy appears increasingly likely.

Here’s a look at how we got here.

Iran attacks ships using a route bypassing its control

The attack on the cargo ship came after Iran had warned vessels not to use an alternative route through the Strait of Hormuz that is overseen by the US military and intended to be outside Tehran’s control.

Iran had largely shut down the waterway — which carried a fifth of the world’s traded oil and gas in peacetime — after the surprise US-Israeli attack on February 28 that started the war. Tehran has come to see control over the strait and its far-reaching economic impact as a key pressure point in its confrontation with the US.

The preliminary agreement called for the strait to be fully reopened, but it also contained language suggesting Iran would manage traffic and potentially charge fees in the future. Iran has seized on that, saying it has the right to control the strait and that the alternative route is a violation of the deal.

The US and others dispute that, saying the strait should be open to all and toll-free, as it was before the war.

US strikes Iran, which retaliates against Gulf states

The US launched strikes on Iran a day after the June 25 attack, hitting what the US military said were missile and drone locations and coastal radar sites.

The next day, Iran attacked a tanker using the alternative route through the strait, and the US responded with more strikes. This time, Iran lashed out at nearby Gulf states, attacking Kuwait and Bahrain, both of which host American troops.

The two sides pulled back the next week, each sending delegations to Qatar, which had played a key role in mediating the agreement. But they did not meet directly.

Iran reiterated its warning against using the alternative route as it prepared for the dayslong funeral of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who was killed in the opening US-Israeli strikes. The funeral began on July 4, with crowds calling for revenge against US President Donald Trump.

Fighting resumes after attacks on three ships

Days later, Iran attacked three ships in the Strait of Hormuz.

The US responded with a wave of strikes that it said targeted air defence systems, radars and more than 60 small boats used by Iran’s paramilitary revolutionary guard. Such boats have been used to harass ships in the strait.

The US also revoked a waiver that had allowed Iran for the first time in years to sell its oil on the international market for US dollars. The waiver was part of the interim deal.

Iran condemned the US strikes and the restoration of oil sanctions as violations of the agreement while insisting it had the right to control the strait, which the military command says is an “unbreakable red line”. Iran also broadened its retaliatory strikes, hitting Bahrain, Kuwait and mediator Qatar.

Trump, after departing from a Nato summit, offered mixed messages.

He said the US strikes were in response to the attacks on shipping, warning that “if it happens again, it will get much worse!” But he also appeared to rule out long-term military action, saying “anything that happens is going to happen very fast”. He also suggested the US military might “just finish the job”.

The fighting has steadily escalated since then. On Wednesday, the US restored its blockade on Iran’s ports, which had been lifted as part of the interim agreement.

The next red line is civilian infrastructure, and it may have been crossed

In recent days, the US has expanded its strikes to northern Iran, hitting targets far from the strait. On Friday, it struck bridges and power stations in the south, collapsing a tower it said was used by the revolutionary guard for maritime surveillance at one of Iran’s main ports.

Iran said on Saturday that US strikes have killed at least 50 people and wounded more than 500 since hostilities resumed.

Trump has repeatedly threatened to target civilian infrastructure in Iran, at one point earlier in the war vowing to annihilate Iran’s “whole civilisation”. Until now, he has repeatedly backed off from such threats, citing diplomatic progress.

But Iran’s leaders may already believe that another line has been crossed. On Friday and again on Saturday, Iran attacked a water desalination plant in extremely arid Kuwait.

Trump has also mused about taking control of the strait by force, possibly by seizing one or more strategic islands held by Iran. That would probably require a far larger naval presence and potentially tens of thousands of ground troops.

AP

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Shoprite’s aggressive expansion drive has received a boost after the Gauteng High Court ordered Spar to vacate a shopping centre in Midrand, paving the way for the country’s largest retailer to occupy the premises.

Spar tried in vain to retain its occupancy of the site against the landlord’s wishes, with the court ruling that the landlord was within its rights to sever ties to the embattled retailer.

This was largely because Spar failed to exercise a lease renewal option within the required contractual timeframe.

The loss of a strategic supermarket location to Shoprite underscores the increasingly intense battle among South Africa’s grocery retailers for market share and prime retail space.

For mall owners, retailers such as Shoprite are increasingly viewed as key anchor tenants, catering to different segments of the market through their various brands.

Over the past few years, Shoprite has capitalised on challenges faced by rivals, particularly Pick n Pay and more recently Spar, by securing leases and taking over stores in sought-after locations. The latest court victory strengthens the retailer’s expansion drive while competitors face operational and financial pressures.

In a judgment delivered on July 13, the Gauteng High Court ruled that Spar had failed to validly renew a lease before its expiry on April 30 this year, clearing the way for Shoprite to take over the premises. Acting judge S van Aswegen ordered Spar to vacate the property by August 28.

The dispute centred on a supermarket site in a Midrand shopping complex that had long been occupied by a Spar store operated by franchisee Tortello Trading.

The shopping centre was later acquired by Eco Energy Projects, which intended to lease the premises to Shoprite.

The judge ruled that Spar “failed to justify its continued occupation of the premises”, describing the attempted renewal as “belated” and outside the required timeframe.

For Shoprite, the ruling represents another win in an expansion strategy that has accelerated significantly over the past year. The retailer has gained market share in the grocery sector for the past six consecutive years and has been growing at more than twice the pace of the broader market.

The accelerated store openings reflect a deliberate strategy to continue advancing the group’s rapidly growing omnichannel retail platform

Shoprite

In a statement released last month, Shoprite said it had already exceeded its store rollout target for the year. The group opened 268 stores across its Supermarkets RSA division in the first 11 months of its financial year, surpassing the 223 stores initially planned.

The expansion included 48 Usave stores, 41 Shoprite supermarkets, 30 Checkers supermarkets and 92 LiquorShops, taking the group’s total store count to more than 3,000 outlets. The company has also accelerated growth in newer formats such as Petshop Science and UNIQ Clothing by Checkers.

“The accelerated store openings reflect a deliberate strategy to continue advancing the group’s rapidly growing omnichannel retail platform,” Shoprite said at the time.

Much of that growth has been concentrated in Gauteng, where the retailer opened 82 stores during the period, followed by the Western Cape and KwaZulu-Natal. Shoprite spent R3.9bn in the six months to March expanding and upgrading its South African store network.

The court victory comes as Spar works to stabilise its operations following a difficult period marked by distribution failures, higher debt levels and strained relationships with some retailers.

The group has also faced operational challenges linked to its SAP (systems, applications and products) implementation, declining retailer loyalty, margin pressure and the complexity of managing offshore operations. The sale of businesses in Poland, Switzerland and, more recently, the UK, has allowed Spar to refocus attention on its core South African and Irish operations.

New CEO Reeza Isaacs has acknowledged that the group’s problems stem largely from operational execution rather than market conditions and has made turning around the KwaZulu-Natal distribution centre a central part of Spar’s recovery strategy.

Spar has 2,523 stores across Botswana, eSwatini, Lesotho, Mozambique, Namibia and South Africa.

Analysts have said that Shoprite and Woolworths are taking market share from Spar and Pick n Pay.

Casparus Treurnicht, portfolio manager and research analyst at Gryphon Asset Management, said previously that Shoprite “is probably going to remain at the forefront due to their diversified exposure to various levels of the RSA consumer”.

Business Times

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Three of South Africa’s largest filling station brands, Shell, Caltex and Engen, have exchanged hands in the past decade in multibillion-rand deals that injected confidence in a market where fuel sales were dwindling due to the reduction in commuting brought on by the Covid work-from-home trend.

One company, Rothschild, was the adviser in all three deals, a sign of how it is strengthening its advisory business in South Africa — a market in which it has struck R720bn worth of deals in the past five years alone.

The firm advised on all of the downstream disposals in the Southern African market by the oil majors — the $1bn (R16.5bn) disposal by Chevron of its downstream and retail assets in South Africa and Botswana to Glencore, the disposal of Petronas’s 74% interest in Engen, and the recently announced $1bn disposal of Shell’s downstream and retail business in South Africa to the UAE outfit Adnoc.

The firm has not only been at the centre of the evolution of the downstream fuel industry but has also had a hand in many big deals that have reshaped corporate South Africa and unlocked value for shareholders.

And there has been a lot of business to compete for in South Africa over the past decade — consequential big-ticket items, mergers & acquisitions and corporate restructurings aplenty.

Chief among these was the mammoth managed separation of Old Mutual in 2018, which Rothschild was central in bringing to fruition. The £9.1bn (R200bn at current rates) transaction saw the 170-year-old group separate into four independent businesses and included the subsequent £2.8bn listing of Quilter on the LSE and JSE and further disposals in a number of jurisdictions.

Old Mutual entrusted Rothschild to hold its hand through the complex deal.

Our unique insights and deep understanding of the broader stakeholder environment allow us to assist clients navigate an increasingly complex regulatory regime.

Paul Bondi, Rothschild & Co

Rothschild’s South African operation, headed by Martin Kingston, offers an array of services, including M&A, debt advisory and restructuring, and equity market solutions. The firm has also carved out expertise in providing advice on broad-based BEE transactions.

Paul Bondi, MD and co-head at Rothschild’s South Africa office, told Business Times that the firm’s advice goes beyond the financial rigour required in assessing, designing and executing transactions and includes guiding clients through the complex regulatory and stakeholder environment.

“Our unique insights and deep understanding of the broader stakeholder environment allow us to assist clients navigate an increasingly complex regulatory regime where transactions require the support and approval of a multitude of stakeholders, including market regulators, labour and government authorities,” Bondi said.

“Success depends as much on relationships, trust and insights as it does on financial advice.

“We combine our local insights with the global reach of our network across 61 locations in 48 countries, and more than 200 years of advisory heritage, in delivering successful outcomes for our clients’ most important transactions. Our independent advisory model, where our clients’ interests are paramount, allows us to avoid many of the conflicts faced by balance-sheet banks.”

Two recent deals the company advised on, Coca-Cola Hellenic Bottling’s (HBC) $2.6bn purchase of Coca-Cola Beverages Africa (CCBA) and Harith’s acquisition of FlySafair for an undisclosed amount, were this week approved by the Competition Commission with conditions.

The London-listed HBC will seek a secondary listing on the JSE following the conclusion of the deal, which is expected later this year.

This is not the only Coca-Cola related deal Rothschild has been involved in. The firm has advised the Coca-Cola Co and the Coca-Cola system on all their major transactions in the region, including the formation of CCBA in 2016 and the subsequent BEE transaction.

In February, Harith and FlySafair — which controls about 67% of the local market — announced one of the most consequential private equity transactions in recent aviation history.

“South Africa remains an important market in our global network and a hub for our wider African activities. Combining deep local relationships and on-the-ground expertise with the reach of our international platform, we help clients navigate complexity, access global capital and pursue opportunities across Africa and beyond,” Bondi said

“We have built a longstanding track record advising clients on some of the country’s most significant corporate and sovereign transactions, remaining a trusted adviser through decades of economic and political change.”

Business Times

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Kuben Naidoo, appointed by President Cyril Ramaphosa to his presidential economic advisory council in 2024, has shown his hand on what he thinks of black economic empowerment (BEE) as debate rages on the policy meant to bring in black people into the mainstream economy.

Naidoo, formerly with the South African Reserve Bank and now with Investec, revealed his thoughts in advisory notes carried in the presidential economic advisory council pack ahead of this year’s state of the nation address.

The notes, written in January, have not been made public until now. They give insights into the thorny issues the Ramaphosa administration grapples with and the advice coming the president’s way.

Naidoo, in his note tackling the polarising topic of BEE, acknowledges that the question about what South Africa should do with the policy has become one the most vexing political debates of the time.

He prescribes a remedy that he believes will be win-win.

“Drawing on a proposal originally made by a young and well-known tech entrepreneur, this article proposes a simple, voluntary tax surcharge in return for a ‘BEE compliance certificate’,” Naidoo writes.

“The detail of the proposal is as follows:

“A company can voluntarily pay a 5% surcharge on its corporate income tax. This surcharge will not be tax deductible. Simply put, if a company is assessed as having to pay R100 in corporate income tax, it would voluntarily pay R105.

“This proposal has several advantages: there is no need for complex tax calculations. Second, if a company makes a loss, there is no tax to pay. Small businesses often have a lower effective tax rate and hence will pay proportionately less. Companies typically pay little tax during their start-up investment phase.”

The tech entrepreneur Naidoo is referring to is Alan Knott-Craig jnr, who has called for companies to pay 3% of gross revenue in exchange for automatic level 3 broad-based BEE status — a neat alternative to the complex scorecard system.

On paper, it sounds practical. The model offers predictability, reduces red tape and could channel significant funding into the department of trade, industry & competition’s proposed transformation fund. The fund has been fiercely opposed by those who see BEE as nothing but rent-seeking.

Naidoo says that under his proposal, R5bn could be raised annually.

“For companies that pay this surcharge regularly, there will be no other BEE obligations or requirements, including reporting requirements. Based on collections of about R320bn in corporate tax in 2024/25 and assuming that about a third of firms opt to pay this tax voluntarily, this surcharge on corporate income tax would raise about R5bn a year in revenue,” he writes.

“This money will be split in two, with half given to state-owned development finance institutions to lend to black and women entrepreneurs or entrepreneurs investing in townships or former homelands.

“The other 50% will be given to banks who pledge to use the funds (and report on the funds) to lend to black-owned businesses or businesses investing directly in the townships and former homeland areas.”

Naidoo’s assessment of BEE in its current form is not without its criticism, as he argues it has raised the cost of doing business — a critique that has been raised several times on many platforms but that has drawn scorn from proponents of the policy.

He argues that the South African economy has traded competitiveness, innovation and investment for BEE, and this delicate trade-off needs to be revisited.

“BEE has created a class of rent-seekers, not a class of entrepreneurs. BEE has facilitated a corrupt relationship between the state and sections of the black elite. BEE has scared away foreign investments and undermined domestic investments because it is difficult and costly to implement, monitor and sustain,” Naidoo writes.

“Even if it is merely the perception that BEE has a high cost of compliance, this perception too will limit investment and hence undermine growth and employment.”

BEE has created a class of rent-seekers, not a class of entrepreneurs. BEE has facilitated a corrupt relationship between the state and sections of the black elite.

Kuben Naidoo

Duma Gqubule, an independent economist, tore into the suggestion that BEE had increased the cost of doing business.

“It is difficult to understand how providing shares to workers and communities, employing more black people in management, investing in employees through skills development, diversifying supply chains, investing in black companies through enterprise and supplier development, and empowering communities through the socioeconomic development initiatives that precede BEE can be bad for the economy,” Gcubule said.

“Many of the costs attributed to BEE would have been incurred without empowerment policies. They are part of good corporate citizenship, and diversity and inclusion is a global movement.”

Despite his criticism of BEE, Naidoo warns against doing away with it as a tool to drive transformation and redress past economic injustices that are still prevalent in South Africa’s economy.

“If BEE were to be scrapped, the consequence is not likely to be the growth boom we all yearn for. It is more likely to result in a rise in populism, rising social fragmentation and strife, and people beginning to question South Africa as a viable free market economy,” he says.

“If all the capitalists are white and all the poor are black, surely capitalism cannot survive in a country where 91% of the population is black? Surely, if one believes in free markets, then there must be the nurturing of a growing black capitalist class.”

Naidoo’s warnings are in line with those made by Joel Netshitenzhe, who held key government communication and policy roles in the administrations of Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki.

Netshitenzhe last year launched a spirited defence of BEE, urging critics of the policy to contend with the emergence of the black capitalist class — no matter how uncomfortable.

“It is also illogical to expect BEE to have resolved the challenge of slow employment creation. Worse still, BEE cannot be expected to resolve problems of water and other infrastructure, potholes, grass-cutting and public safety,” Netshitenzhe said at the B-BBEE Commission’s strategy session.

“This then brings to the fore a frank discussion that some find uncomfortable. And this is that postcolonial class formation has to include, as a core element, the emergence, or creation, of a cohort of black capitalists, the so-called ‘black capitalist class’.”

Business Times

For some fans following this World Cup the calculation has been simple: support whoever is playing against Argentina. Across the tournament, that has meant wearing the green of Algeria, the blue of Cape Verde, or the red of Switzerland. Even the often maligned England got a boost in global social media pledges of support last week before their semifinal clash. And in Sunday’s final, it may mean pulling on a red Spain shirt.

Argentina are one of football’s most successful and recognisable national teams, but also one of its most polarising. From Diego Maradona’s defiance to Lionel Messi’s global celebrity, the Albiceleste have long inspired devotion at home and abroad, alongside irritation, envy and resentment from rivals.

The Maradona legend

Argentina’s football identity has been shaped by extraordinary individual players of global fame. Maradona provided Argentina with its most defiant sporting myth, leading the country to the 1986 World Cup title. His two goals against England in the quarterfinals — the infamous “Hand of God” and a solo run later voted the “Goal of the Century” — remain central to Argentina’s football narrative.

The memory of the “Hand of God” goal still stings for many English fans, while Argentinians often view it as part of a larger story of defiance and revenge after the 1982 Falklands War, in which Britain kept control of the disputed island territory.

After Argentina’s 2026 World Cup semifinal win over England, players brandished a banner reading Las Malvinas Son Argentinas (The Falklands are Argentine), in reference to the long-running dispute over the islands, in apparent contravention of Fifa rules banning political statements.

The Messi effect

Lionel Messi gave Argentina a different sort of icon than Maradona: quieter in public but with greater global reach and longevity. He won nearly every major honour at club level with Barcelona, becoming the face of a dominant side, though that success made him a target for rival fans.

His rivalry with Portugal’s Cristiano Ronaldo added another layer, splitting global football into Messi and Ronaldo camps.

After years of being compared to Maradona and nagged for failing to deliver a major tournament title for his country, Messi led Argentina to the 2022 title in Qatar. His continuing presence has made Argentina a magnet for admirers, including in India and Bangladesh, many miles from Argentina. But others have wearied of the Messi-centric narrative and the adulation surrounding him.

A complicated neighbour

Argentina’s image in Latin America is complex. The country has long seen itself as culturally distinct, shaped by strong European influences and a football culture that often treats victory as proof of national exceptionalism. That self-assurance is sometimes admired, but in parts of the region it also feeds a stereotype of Argentine arrogance.

Fans of many nations use tournaments to display national pride with drums, flags and chants, but the fanaticism of Argentina can seem extreme at times.

And that nationalism can veer into uglier territory. One Argentinian TV commentator earlier this month called Mexicans “detestable” and accused them of envying Argentinians “not just in soccer, but in everything”, remarks that Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum called “outrageous”. In the stadiums, some fans still chant an offensive song that mocks the African origins of many French players, one that Argentinian players in 2024 apologised for after singing it. Other incidents involving racism or disorder by Argentinian fans have been shared on social media or complained of by other supporters.

Deep rivalries

Argentina’s deepest rivalry is with Brazil, rooted in decades of competition between South America’s two most successful nations. At the 2014 World Cup in Brazil, Argentinian supporters chanted Brasil, decime que se siente (Brazil, tell me how it feels), taunting the hosts while revelling in Argentina’s progress.

Tension with Chile intensified after Chile beat Argentina in the 2015 and 2016 Copa America finals, both on penalties. Mexico and Argentina have also developed a charged football relationship, fuelled by repeated World Cup meetings and social media debates over performance.

Argentina’s playing style — defined by virtuosity and cunning — can be joyful to watch but is also seen by some as against ideals of fair play.

For some fans, “anyone but Argentina” has become a default tournament position.

Reuters

Speaking at a press conference in New York on Friday, Scaloni was asked how the team maintains their desire to win when they already have the world’s top trophy.

“You see your people, how they celebrate, how they are happy — that gets you — it’s impossible for it not to touch your heart,” he said.

That they are defending their title led some pundits before the tournament to speculate they might not fight so hard this time, yet time after time Argentina have come back from early setbacks, cheered on by their fanatical supporters.

“At the end we play for them; the team plays for the country, for their family,” he said. “The fans of [domestic rivals] Boca and River hug and celebrate together in front of the TV — how can that not affect you?”

Goalkeeper Emiliano Martinez agreed.

“The fans are absolutely crazy, different to other countries; seeing them celebrate at 2am in the cold Argentine weather means a lot,” he told the press conference. “We are going to do our best to bring back the cup to our country.”

Martinez, who has sometimes courted controversy with his clowning and penalty mind games, said he was enjoying this World Cup much more than the Qatar 2022 tournament in which Argentina ultimately triumphed, flagging their opening 2-1 loss back then against Saudi Arabia as particularly painful.

Scaloni said the team were in good form, though — having played their semifinal against England on Wednesday in Atlanta, they have one fewer day than Spain to prepare.

“We don’t have much time to train,” he said. “Last night [Thursday] we arrived at 11pm. Tomorrow [Saturday] will be busy; I’ll speak to them and see how they are, but in principle they are all good.”

The final promises to be a treat: Argentina, all pulse, fire and Lionel Messi, against Spain, the European champions with Lamine Yamal, who have turned control into an art form.

The showpiece game could be the crowning triumph of a long, illustrious career for star player Messi.

“To be able to arrive at a final as he has at 39, I think is something incredible,” said Scaloni.

“We have to value what he does. He has managed something that years ago was not thought possible. It wasn’t easy to get to this point and to compete at this level. I hope we win, but if not, he’ll still be an example for all.”

Would it be Messi’s last? “How do I know?” Scaloni said, laughing.

Reuters

From Spain’s La Masia-bred youngsters to Lionel Messi, the Barca academy’s most dazzling export still bending matches to his will at 39, the influence of the club is clear to see.

Xavi was a pillar of Spain’s side whose tiki-taka possession game won the country’s first World Cup in South Africa in 2010, while Mascherano was Messi’s former teammate with Barcelona and Argentina and his coach at Inter Miami until early this year.

They spoke to Reuters in front of the giant Lego World Cup trophy replica at the Rockefeller Centre in New York before the final layered with personal history.

Spain arrive with a squad sprinkled with Barca influence, including Lamine Yamal and Pau Cubarsi, two players handed their professional debuts as teenagers by Xavi during his spell as the club’s manager.

Argentina arrive with Messi, who won his first World Cup in Qatar four years ago and has dragged time, defenders and probability along for a ride to a second consecutive final.

Mascherano said nothing Messi does should still surprise anyone — except that it does.

“He is a special one, you know? You cannot compare [him] with anyone. He’s different, totally different,” the 42-year-old Mascherano said.

“Always when we see him, it’s a surprise because he’s doing a lot of things that we will never see in another player. So, I think in the future, it will be difficult to find a player like him. I think it’s impossible.”

Xavi, who shared years of midfield sorcery with Messi at Barcelona, said he watched Argentina’s 2-1 win over England with Mascherano and could barely process what he was seeing.

“We were together watching the game, and he told me, ’39 years [old], and what’s he doing?’ It’s amazing,” Xavi said.

“In my opinion, he’s the best in history. And he’s still making a difference on the pitch. And his ambition, his attitude — he’s a warrior. He’s absolutely the best.”

Mascherano went further, saying Messi still appeared to hold the remote control to football’s grandest stage.

“I think he is still showing that he is the owner of the game. He has the ball, and he makes the decisions sometimes that he is going to win the game and he can do that.”

For 46-year-old Xavi, pride in Sunday’s final stretches beyond Messi. He said watching forward Lamine and defender Cubarsi mature into World Cup finalists had been especially satisfying after seeing their conviction up close as teenagers.

“I feel very proud because I saw them when they were 15, Lamine, and 16, Pau Cubarsi,” Xavi said.

“They had the character and the passion. I remember them telling me, ‘Don’t worry, coach, I’m ready. No worries,’ because I was a bit afraid that at 15, 16, maybe they were not, that they would feel the pressure. Absolutely not.”

Xavi said Barca’s footballing idea runs through both finalists, even if Mascherano was quick to point out Argentina do not have many current Barcelona players.

“We have to be proud of this philosophy, of this idea,” Xavi said. “It’s one idea, and still the idea is going on. We are in the final with this system, even Argentina.”

Mascherano added: “We don’t have too many players from Barca, but the way to play is much like that.

“For me, they’re the best two teams in the tournament. Teams that play in a similar way. They like to play with the ball, and they don’t feel comfortable if they don’t have the ball.

“Maybe the team that has possession of the ball will take the tempo of the game. For me, it’s the best final that we could have.”

As for predicting a winner, neither was certain.

“You never know,” Mascherano said.

“So difficult to have a prediction,” Xavi added.

“I think only God knows what is going to happen,” Mascherano said. “Because it’s just one game.”

Reuters

The 39-year-old managed a laboured 26 off 47 balls on Thursday as England won the second match in Cardiff to level the three-match series.

Rohit has now gone 11 ODIs without a hundred, and his poor run of form raises questions about his place for next year’s World Cup, which South Africa will host along with Zimbabwe and Namibia.

The Indian cricket board (BCCI) secretary, Devajit Saikia, however, dispelled the rumours surrounding Rohit’s retirement and affirmed that he remains part of the team’s ODI plans.

“There are a lot of speculations going on in media about Rohit Sharma’s future. I want to firmly assert that there has been no such discussion that Rohit will be playing his last match at Lord’s on Sunday,” Saikia told the Press Trust of India.

“Rohit is a regular member of the Indian ODI team, and he will continue to represent the country as long as he is in the scheme of things. In other words, Lord’s ODI won’t be his last match.”

The Indian Express newspaper earlier said the 39-year-old former India captain has been informed that the selectors have decided to “move on”.

Batting coach Sitanshu Kotak, however, said white ball stalwart Rohit was “too good” a player to feel any pressure.

“Yes, he didn’t get runs, but I don’t think that makes any difference,” Kotak told reporters after Thursday’s loss, dismissing suggestions that Rohit was struggling.

“On a particular day, many batters don’t get the momentum they are looking for, and that can happen. You might see a completely different innings from Rohit Sharma at Lord’s.

“Rohit probably didn’t get balls in his areas and didn’t get going. That’s what I felt. So I wouldn’t say he was struggling.”

Rohit is the only batter to have scored three 200-plus scores in ODIs, including a 264 against Sri Lanka, which remains the highest score by a batter in this format.

He has already quit Test cricket and T20 internationals.

Reuters

Italian Antonelli, 19, clocked a best time of 1:45.990 seconds, 0.139 quicker than McLaren’s reigning world champion Lando Norris.

Red Bull’s Max Verstappen was third on the timesheets with Antonelli’s teammate and closest title rival George Russell fourth.

Hamilton was fifth fastest but left his mechanics with a race against time to repair the car after he went off into the gravel at Fagnes and clouted the tyre wall, smashing the rear wing and suspension and sending debris across the track as the car bounced in the air.

“I’ve destroyed the car, mate. I’m sorry,” the seven-time world champion told his race engineer over the team radio, before getting out and inspecting the damage.

“No problem,” replied his race engineer Carlo Santi.

Hamilton is third in the championship, 32 points behind Antonelli, who leads Russell by 25 after nine rounds.

Verstappen slowed for double yellow flags after the accident and Williams’s Carlos Sainz almost ran into the back of his car.

Ferrari’s Charles Leclerc was sixth fastest, ahead of McLaren’s Oscar Piastri and Audi pair Nico Hulkenberg and Gabriel Bortoleto with Red Bull’s Isack Hadjar completing the top 10.

Reuters

But many medical professionals warn it might do nothing of the sort and instead could increase service members’ risk of infertility or other consequences if testosterone is prescribed inappropriately.

The mandate is one of several recent health care policy changes implemented by Hegseth and other Trump administration cabinet officers that have sparked debate among experts and raised questions about what scientific basis, if any, supports them.

Hegseth has also reversed the military’s long-standing flu vaccine mandate, a decision that was walked back after a flu outbreak, while the department of health and human services removed 17 members from its vaccine advisory panel and altered its vaccine recommendations.

Five of six men’s health experts contacted by Reuters for this story said they were puzzled by the announcement on testosterone testing and concerned it may lead to unnecessary — or even harmful — treatment.

Hegseth said testing would be accompanied by advice to help soldiers make decisions about treatment, which would be voluntary.

The goals, he added, are to ensure troops have the right testosterone levels to operate at their absolute best and to improve their resilience, longevity and performance, so as to ensure the military’s combat readiness.

Four of the six doctors said there was no solid evidence suggesting that screening for low testosterone in all military personnel aged 30 and older would optimise US readiness for combat.

“We hear from patients that when you treat low T, things like cognitive alertness and stamina improve. But the evidence is not concrete, and it comes from patients who were treated because they were symptomatic,” said Dr Kevin McVary, a urologist on the medical advisory board of Rugiet, a telehealth platform that provides testosterone supplements.

The Pentagon declined to comment on the matter beyond its brief official statement.

Testing recommended for symptoms

The American Urological Association and the Endocrine Society advise testosterone supplementation only for patients with confirmed testosterone deficiency and symptoms such as reduced libido, erectile dysfunction, fatigue, decreased muscle mass and low bone density.

Giving testosterone without medical symptoms leads to overtreatment, McVary said, which can have its own adverse consequences.

Levels naturally decline with age, starting about age 30. But age 30 itself is not an appropriate point for screening, said Dr Haleem Mohammed, chief medical officer of men’s wellness and medical clinic network Gameday Health.

“There is a population-level decline of 1% per year after ages 30-40 that accelerates as you get older,” but the patterns are not the same for all, Mohammed said.

Most studies of testosterone replacement have been done in older men, noted Dr Ugis Gruntmanis, an endocrinologist at Dartmouth Hitchcock Medical Centre, who said the new mandate provides an opportunity to collect data on younger men.

He added, however, that widespread implementation of screening without preliminary study data would be putting the carriage before the horse.

FDA lifted warning

Based partly on a study led by Dr Steven Nissen of the Cleveland Clinic, involving more than 5,200 men aged 45 to 80 with low testosterone and high risk of heart disease, the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) revised testosterone labels to remove a warning of increased risks of heart attack or stroke. The participants, however, showed higher rates of atrial arrhythmia — an abnormal heart rhythm — and bone fractures, a finding that may have implications for the military, Nissen said.

All of the experts contacted by Reuters also mentioned the severe impact of testosterone therapy on male fertility.

“Many in our armed forces are young men who are not done having their families,” McVary said. “If you just dole out the testosterone, the testes will shrink. And you can’t reliably count on them coming back.”

Other risks include blood thickening, prostate issues, acne, hair loss, breast tissue growth and mood volatility.

In his announcement, Hegseth said one objective for the new screening mandate is to comprehensively address “operator syndrome”, which afflicts special forces warriors such as Delta Force members and Navy Seals and includes low testosterone along with traumatic brain injury, hormonal and metabolic dysregulation, sleep dysregulation and other maladies.

But special forces operators are not representative of all active duty and reserve members, said Dr B Christopher Frueh of the University of Hawaii, whose team first described the syndrome in 2020.

“These operators are at an extreme end of a spectrum,” Frueh said. “They have much higher exposures to blasts, aeroplane jumps, firing all sorts of different weapons, and shoulder-fired rockets and machine guns.”

Other soldiers might have elements of the syndrome, he said, “but should we be screening 100% of everybody? Maybe. I don’t know.”

He believes many younger soldiers could regulate hormones through sleep, rest and diet to bring testosterone levels back up, rather than turning to replacement therapy.

Weight and low testosterone

Still, medical professionals emphasise potential benefits from appropriate testosterone testing, as with other forms of medical tests.

Gameday Health’s Mohammed said military reservists in the general population may be overweight, another correctable factor that can contribute to low testosterone.

“Testosterone is one of the most useful blood tests we have to gauge health in men,” Mohammed said. “Broader screening would identify many men with reversible causes and some with true deficiency. Both groups would benefit from clinician-guided care, whether that means correcting reversible causes or starting treatment when it is truly warranted.”

The Pentagon has not provided detailed guidance on how abnormal test results will be evaluated or whether screenings will apply equally to males and females.

Frueh of the University of Hawaii said broad screening could also reveal new information about female soldiers’ hormones.

“Females aren’t going to need testosterone replacement in all likelihood, but they may need other hormonal interventions,” he said.

Reuters

Speaking to the Sunday Times during a campaign tour in Johannesburg with former federal council chair Helen Zille, Hill-Lewis acknowledged that his demotion of former party leader John Steenhuisen and the growing controversy over former DA leader Tony Leon’s Resolve Communications would dominate Saturday’s federal council meeting at the party’s Nkululeko House headquarters.

“I expect Resolve Communications will be discussed … I think it was the right decision for the party. I’ll defend it to anyone,” Hill-Lewis said.

The meeting is the first since Hill-Lewis dramatically reshuffled the DA’s executive following his election as party leader, a shake-up that saw his long-time ally and predecessor, Steenhuisen, stripped of the influential agriculture ministry and reassigned as deputy minister of trade, industry & competition.

Saturday’s meeting is expected to test whether Hill-Lewis can consolidate his authority after a bruising first few weeks as DA leader.

His decision to demote Steenhuisen has exposed deep divisions inside the DA, with senior figures accusing the new leadership of sidelining one of the party’s longest-serving leaders without meaningful consultation.

Steenhuisen broke ranks in an explosive interview with News24 after his removal, accusing Hill-Lewis of betraying him after allegedly assuring him that his cabinet position would remain secure once he stepped down as party leader.

He claimed the new leadership had given his “head to a baying mob” in an effort to appease conservative elements within the party and suggested external interests were influencing decisions at the top.

Steenhuisen also reignited controversy around Resolve Communications, the public relations firm chaired by Leon, by alleging that DA ministers serving in the government of national unity had been placed under pressure to meet the company’s clients. Leon and Resolve have strongly denied the allegations.

The controversy escalated after the Sunday Times revealed allegations that Leon had sought to secure business for Resolve from DA-run municipalities.

A former senior City of Tshwane official alleged in an affidavit submitted to the public protector that Leon met then mayor Solly Msimanga in 2017 to discuss how Resolve could obtain work from the metro. The affidavit forms part of ActionSA’s complaint calling for an investigation into Steenhuisen’s claims.

Former DA leader Mmusi Maimane has also alleged that Leon approached then Johannesburg mayor Herman Mashaba in 2016, seeking to establish a business relationship between Resolve and the city, an overture Mashaba is said to have rejected.

Resolve also performed communications work for the City of Cape Town during its 2018 drought crisis, although the municipality has since said that it no longer uses the firm.

The dispute has fuelled anger among sections of the DA caucus.

Party insiders say many MPs remain furious about the manner in which Steenhuisen was removed, arguing that he was blindsided after news of his demotion first emerged in the Afrikaans media.

The backlash intensified after DA MP Emma Powell posted a scathing message on the parliamentary caucus WhatsApp group condemning the decision, the Sunday Times reported.

“The expediency and sheer scale of betrayal here is head-spinning,” Powell wrote. She said Steenhuisen had “given the best years of his life” to the DA and accused the leadership of reneging on commitments made when he agreed to step down as party leader.

“God knows he made mistakes, and I personally went to war with him on policy issues, but he stuck to his end of the bargain and did what was asked of him,” she wrote.

Sources said Powell’s intervention reflected wider frustrations among MPs who believed the reshuffle had been handled poorly.

Hill-Lewis, however, dismissed suggestions that his leadership was facing a serious revolt, saying the “rumours” were “corridor politics” that involved “two or three people in the caucus”.

Despite weeks of negative headlines, Hill-Lewis said the DA remained focused on the local government elections, arguing that voters were far more concerned about collapsing municipalities than internal party disputes.

“I’m not concerned... I think voters in South Africa are overwhelmingly focused on what is going to get these major metros working again, particularly here in Gauteng,” he said. “This is the centre of the political debate right now. Every time I’m here, I find myself even more shocked at how deeply broken things are.

“I think the vast majority of the public sees the absolute night-and-day difference between a city that is moving forward — not to say it has solved every problem, because it hasn’t — and cities that are simply moving backwards.

“They understand that’s not a matter of luck. It’s about leadership. That is going to be the biggest driver of the electoral outcome in November.”

Hill-Lewis also hit back at President Cyril Ramaphosa after the president likened Resolve Communications’ interactions with DA ministers to state capture. “The president’s description is outrageous. That is simply political sensationalism from the president and our opponents,” he said.

Story audio is generated using AI

Tensions have abated and calm has been restored in the Jeffreys Bay and broader Kouga region in the Eastern Cape after police were deployed following violent protests on Thursday.

Provincial police spokesperson Brig Nobuntu Gantana said while public order had been restored in the area, foreign-owned spaza shops in the area remained closed as a precautionary measure.

“Police visibility remains high, with Public Order Policing (POP) and visible policing units still deployed to deter any further unrest and ensure the safety of all residents,” she said.

She said provincial commissioner Lt-Gen Vuyisile Ncata had directed the district to intensify search-and-seizure operations to recover looted property. Investigators were also actively probing the role of the march leaders in instigating Thursday’s violence, with the possibility of further arrests as the investigation unfolded.

Gantana said it had been clarified that a house fire that was widely reported on could not be linked to the violence, with the blaze having been determined to have been caused by an electrical fault.

She added that 69 suspects aged between 18 and 52 had been arrested for public violence on Thursday after at least 23 spaza shops were looted.

Several foreign nationals were placed in temporary shelter for their safety, and three injured people were referred for medical treatment.

The suspects all remain in custody and are due to appear in the Humansdorp magistrate’s court on Monday, she said.

“We are satisfied with the current calm, but we will not let our guard down. I call on community leaders to continue engaging residents and to co-operate with police in handing over any looted goods. Lawlessness will not be tolerated, and those who break the law will face the full might of justice,” commissioner Ncata said.

TimesLIVE

The blaze started in a townhouse in the city of Drammen at about 3.30pm, police said. It then spread through the area and into nearby forests. Firefighters continued their efforts Saturday morning to bring the blaze under control.

NRK, Norway’s public broadcaster, said hundreds of people went to an evacuation centre.

No residents have been reported missing, police said. It was not immediately clear what caused the fire.

Drammen is about 34km southwest of Oslo.

AP

In this episode of The Political Arena, Business Day political editor Hajra Omarjee is joined by Sowetan editor Sibongakonke Shoba, Business Day parliamentary correspondent Tara Roos and Sunday Times and TimesLIVE politics reporter Sisanda Aluta Mbolekwa to unpack what lobbying really means, where it crosses the line and whether South Africa needs stronger regulation.

The panel explores the difference between lobbying, state capture and corruption; examines how political influence operates in parties, including the ANC, DA, MK Party and EFF; and discusses why the Leon controversy has reignited calls for greater transparency around who has access to government decision-makers.

The discussion also considers how lobbying shapes public policy, what parliament can do to regulate the industry and why stronger disclosure requirements could become essential to protecting South Africa’s democracy.

TimesLIVE

The toddler was found drowned in a stormwater reservoir by the National Sea Rescue Institute’s (NSRI) Plettenberg Bay duty crew.

Emergency services were activated after an urgent request for assistance from Plettenberg Bay’s first responders, who, together with police, searched for the boy who was reported missing in the vicinity of a reservoir. He was last seen playing in the area, which borders the N2.

A massive search of the area was carried out by responders; the police; the community; the child’s family; rescue swimmers; and the NSRI, accompanied by SA Whale Disentanglement Network volunteers with long poles, which were used to drag-search the bottom of the pond.

Plettenberg Bay fire and rescue services, the Western Cape government health EMS ambulance and rescue squad, Bitou law enforcement, Bitou traffic services and Bitou municipal authorities also responded, as water extrication pumps were deployed to drain the pond where the body of the child was eventually located.

An inquest docket was opened.

TimesLIVE

The government said on Friday it was banning all school excursions as the tragedy prompted outpourings of grief and online posts demanding better safety standards.

Preliminary investigations suggested the driver lost control, and the bus veered off the road and overturned after hitting a large stone, police said in a post on X.

The bus, owned by King David Junior School in the capital, Kampala, was returning from an educational visit to Sipi Falls and crashed at Chekwatit village in the Kapchorwa district, police added.

One adult also died, and three adults and several children were injured, officials said.

Road accidents are common in Uganda, with experts often blaming poorly maintained vehicles and a lack of street lighting.

In October last year, 46 people died in a bus crash on one of the country’s main highways between the capital and the northern city of Gulu.

Education minister Chrysostom Muyingo “put a hold on all school trips and excursions, effective immediately and until further notice”, a government communications agency said on Friday.

Reuters

Authorities tightened security around New Delhi’s Jantar Mantar, a designated public protest ground enclosed by police barricades, where activist Sonam Wangchuk has been camped along with students and Cockroach Party activists who are demanding that the education minister resign after allegations that exam papers were leaked in advance.

The 59-year-old engineer and education reformer’s strike has become a rallying point for the party, which began in May after Supreme Court chief justice Surya Kant compared some unemployed young people to “cockroaches” during a hearing on another issue. Supporters embraced the insult as a badge of resilience, turning it into a satirical political campaign that amassed more than 21-million Instagram followers in a few days.

The movement seeks the resignation of the education minister, Dharmendra Pradhan, over the alleged leaks, along with sweeping reforms to the examination system and compensation for families of students who died by suicide over the leaks or exam results.

Delhi Police said Wangchuk was taken to hospital after his health worsened during the hunger strike, adding that the transfer was carried out following medical advice and a court directive. A brief commotion occurred when some protesters tried to block the move, police said.

The Cockroach Party said in a social media post that the government “forcefully abducted” Wangchuk “without his or his family’s consent”.

Authorities deployed additional police and paramilitary soldiers and erected barricades around Jantar Mantar. Police said the heightened security measures were precautionary and urged protesters to co-operate with authorities.

AP

He has been moved to a secure location for what his family describes as “intensive rehabilitation”.

In a statement issued on Friday afternoon, Khan’s family said he had been discharged from Milpark Hospital earlier in the day and taken to an undisclosed location where he would undergo rehabilitation and recuperation under “comprehensive and strict security measures”.

“He now requires a period of recovery, rehabilitation and rest,” the family said.

The statement also indicated that the recovery period would be used to determine whether Khan would be able to give evidence before the Madlanga commission of inquiry into allegations of corruption, political interference and criminal infiltration of the criminal justice system before its extended deadline.

“The recovery period will also be used to determine Maj-Gen Khan’s ability to assist the Madlanga commission prior to its published extended deadlines whether in person or by way of affidavit,” the family said.

To date no SAPS member has approached Maj-Gen Khan or his legal representatives for any statement, and no investigative progress or feedback has been communicated

Family of Maj-Gen Feroz Khan

Khan, the suspended deputy national head of SAPS crime intelligence, was due to begin testifying before the commission when he was shot on June 28 in what police are investigating as an attempted assassination.

His legal team subsequently told the commission he was unconscious and unable to testify, leading to repeated postponements.

The commission is yet to announce a new date for his appearance.

In Friday’s statement, the family criticised the police investigation into the shooting, saying they had received no meaningful feedback from investigators.

“To date no SAPS member has approached Maj-Gen Khan or his legal representatives for any statement, and no investigative progress or feedback has been communicated,” the statement said.

The family said repeated attempts to engage the provincial head of detectives and the investigating officer had gone unanswered.

The lack of progression and urgency into the investigation of the shooting is a matter of concern

Family of Maj-Gen Feroz Khan

It also questioned why Khan’s vehicle and a spare laptop belonging to his attorney, which Khan was using at the time of the shooting, remained in police custody, “with no lawful justification provided for their continued retention”.

The family further expressed concern that the political killings task team (PKTT) had been incorporated into the investigation despite ongoing litigation and investigations involving the unit’s head and other members.

“The lack of progression and urgency into the investigation of the shooting is a matter of concern,” the statement said, adding that the motive for the attack remains unknown and the family has been forced to implement its own security arrangements.

The statement also signalled possible legal action against unnamed individuals and media organisations over what it described as “unfair, unjustified and defamatory allegations” made against Khan and his legal team on social media.

Any further enquiries, the family said, should be directed to Khan’s attorneys.

TimesLIVE

The landslide occurred in Pengshui County on Friday morning on the outer edge of the Chongqing municipality, when massive amounts of rocks and soil washed down a slope, burying more than 10 residential buildings, state broadcaster CCTV said. Ten people were rescued but sent to hospital, while more than 1,100 people have been relocated.

Photos and Associated Press videos showed that one of the fallen rocks appeared to be larger than a multi-storey building with ruins scattered across the steep terrain. One of the damaged buildings had its top part crushed, and a car was seen half-buried near another building.

The landslide contained about 18,000m³ of rocks and debris, and the largest single rock was about 3,000m³, Wang Chuanjun, head of planning and natural resources in Pengshui County, told a news conference on Friday.

CCTV said persistent rain hit Pengshui from Friday night to Saturday morning, with 19.2cm of rainfall at a weather station. The unstable weather made the rescue operation more challenging, it said. As the rain eased slightly, rescue teams entered the site to conduct on-the-ground inspections of the collapsed buildings and riverbank areas.

While rescue operations were being carried out on one side of the massive rocks, teams would later need to look beneath the rocks, where they may face the risk of injury from the boulders becoming unstable and sliding, CCTV reported. Once the search around the rocks is complete, officers will drill into the boulders and fill the holes with explosives to break them apart, it said.

China’s National Development and Reform Commission on Saturday allocated a relief fund of 30-million yuan (R73.1m) to support the restoration of infrastructure and public services facilities after the disaster.

The rain-triggered landslide occurred near a section of the Wujiang River, which cuts through karst mountains peppered with small towns and terraces.

Pengshui County is located in the southeast part of Chongqing, bordering the provinces of Hubei and Guizhou.

AP

Rating: 3/5

For the past year, just about every cinephile has been obsessed with The Odyssey. It’s the nature of a Christopher Nolan release. Everyone wants to see what he’s going to release and how he is going to do it. It also boasts a popular cast. A-listers including Charlize Theron, Matt Damon and Anne Hathaway were announced to be joined by new up-and-coming darlings Zendaya, Tom Holland and Robert Pattinson.

With so many tongues wagging, it has been the most anticipated recent release, and I will be one of many to say it was worth the hype.

Greek mythology is so proliferated in pop culture, it’s quite often you will come across some version of the tales and similar ones like that of Hercules or Medea.

For the uninitiated, this tale follows Odysseus’ 10-year trek back home after the Trojan War. The tumultuous journey back sees him face many foes, and Nolan’s approach cleans up the sillier parts of the original tale to make its message about hospitality, or ubuntu as we know it, a lot more palpable.

Today’s audiences are used to picking apart movies, searching for easter eggs and even reacting to every single frame on screen. The Odyssey isn’t built to be watched this way, it’s simple storytelling built to celebrate the art of creating a cinematic release. From his unorthodox methods of shooting with IMAX cameras to the sets built to bring this world alive, Nolan’s eye invites audiences in on the journey.

It also goes without saying that this is Damon’s magnum opus. Forget about his cult following from EuroTrip or the forgettable performance in The Bourne trilogy, this performance will forever define him as a star. Other than the physical transformation that might make Russell Crowe’s Spartans blush, he brings the understated approach he usually takes with serious roles. Sure, he is stellar when he puts on his comedic pants or goes the immersive route as with The Talented Mr Ripley or Ford vs Ferrari, but he successfully carries a cast that almost has to keep up with the tone he sets in his performance. Perhaps that’s why their Argemennon falls flat when he makes a posthumous speech.

Ultimately, The Odyssey is for the nerds. Lovers of technique, fans of Nolan and ultimately anyone who is a little more well-versed in the world of Greek myths. For a movie challenging fans to sit through a 170-minute cruise, it takes quite a while to paint a concise picture for noobs. It’s easier to follow Clytemnestra and Helen’s (both played by Lupita Nyong’o) roles in the movie, but a first-time watch might leave many confused about the decisions that characters make.

It will still be a fun ride if you are well-versed in the retellings of Argememnon’s life or Circe’s isolation, but if you are limited to the famous demigods or Zeus’ pantheon, you definitely need to catch up on Odysseus’ adventures to truly get this one.

TimesLIVE

At anti-abortion activists’ annual March for Life demonstration in Washington, Vice President JD Vance announced sweeping new restrictions on US funding for NGOs, foreign governments and UN agencies that promote access to abortion, gender-affirming care and diversity initiatives overseas.

“We’re going to start blocking every international NGO that performs or promotes abortion abroad from receiving a dollar of US money,” Vance told the crowd in January.

The expanded restrictions build on the anti-abortion advocacy work carried out by conservative US NPOs abroad — especially in Africa, where health care is highly dependent on foreign aid. The region has the world’s highest estimated proportion of unsafe abortions and highest maternal mortality rates — including the highest number of maternal deaths per 100,000 abortions.

This is part of a series on maternal mortality in Sub-Saharan Africa, which has the world’s fastest-growing population and accounts for 70% of global maternal deaths. About 180,000 pregnancy deaths are recorded every year on the continent.

The new rules represent a radical expansion of earlier US policy that cut assistance to overseas groups providing abortion-related services. Experts say at least $30bn (R495.65bn) in US aid could be affected, reshaping health policies worldwide.

“We’re seeing opportunity here to have a consistently pro-life ethic,” Nicole Hunt of Colorado-based Focus on the Family, a conservative Christian evangelical group, told The Associated Press. “We’ve been influencing health policies for a long time with our foreign aid. This is just a new direction.”

In the crosshairs is an international convention signed by African countries two decades ago declaring safe abortion a human right. Known as the Maputo Protocol, it obliges signatory nations to legalise abortion in cases of rape, incest, foetal malformation or risk to a woman’s health. But implementation has been spotty, forcing women to seek illicit procedures. Every year, Sub-Saharan Africa records more than six million unsafe abortions, according to the African Institute for Development Policy.

Emboldened by President Donald Trump’s policies, US anti-abortion groups now aim to overturn even this limited access to safe abortion.

In Nairobi, Nardos Hagos of the International Planned Parenthood Federation said she is deeply worried for the future.

“We’ve now moved into a new era where we are the ones who are in opposition because the most powerful and influential supporters of reproductive health — the US and a lot of Europe — are now more aligned with anti-rights groups,” she said.

“We’re going to see more women dying from unsafe abortions.”

Africa is the focus

It’s difficult to track the full scope of the funding US anti-abortion charitable groups send to Africa.

Publicly available information from NPO tax filings of 17 such groups shows money sent to Africa jumped 50% between 2019 and 2022, to more than $16m (R264.3m), according to an analysis by the Institute for Journalism and Social Change, a research group.

And the funding kept growing: the organisations spent almost $9.4m (R155.3m) in Africa during 2023 and 2024, previously unreported data analysed by the institute shows.

“That’s just the tip of the iceberg,” said the institute’s Claire Provost.

“What we’re seeing here is just a fraction of what the real investment on the continent is,” Provost said, noting that unlike other tax-exempt charitable organisations, US-based churches and some religious groups are not required to complete annual financial disclosures detailing revenue, contributions and expenses.

It’s not possible to see “even limited information” about how much money The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, among others, funnels to Africa, she said.

Widely known as the Mormon Church, the Salt Lake City-based church is ”increasingly active on the continent, including opposing sexual and reproductive rights issues”, Provost said. With more than one million followers in Africa, it has held “strengthening families” conferences throughout the continent over the past eight years.

Sean ER Donnelly, the church’s communications manager for Africa, said in an AP interview that about a quarter of the $1.5bn (R24.78bn) the church spent overseas last year was in Africa, for development projects “with the goal of helping people, especially families”, including in health care, education and emergency relief.

Asked about women’s reproductive rights and abortion, he said the church is “not really active” in those areas but noted the issues may be discussed by its African partners during church-sponsored conferences.

“We have the deputy prime minister, we have the ministries of gender, we have all the ministers who are relevant to family, and we’re helping them as they craft policy and strategy to make sure that we protect the family,” Donnelly said of the conferences.

Asked about the church’s position on abortion, he sent a statement outlining that it generally opposes elective abortion in most cases but allows exceptions for rape, incest or danger to a woman’s health in counselling its members. He said via email that the church conducts no activities related to abortion and reproductive rights.

Last year’s church-sponsored conference took place in Sierra Leone at a time when the country was close to decriminalising abortion. But pressure from local religious lobbies stalled the process, local rights groups said. Activists and rights groups have raised the alarm over the influence of local religious groups, whose strategies mirror those of some conservative US Christian groups. In response to AP’s questions about the conference and any pressures around abortion and other reproductive rights issues, Donnelly said: “This is not how the church operates in Africa or globally.”

He also referred AP to the church’s Caring Report, which outlines its humanitarian work globally and does not mention the conference.

It’s tricky to determine how the US money is spent once it reaches Africa because of loose requirements on disclosing financial data in African countries.

Focus on the Family spent $370,000 (R6.1m) in Africa between 2019 and 2023, according to the Institute for Journalism and Social Change, which says that probably does not fully capture the scope of the group’s influence or work. Focus on the Family’s Hunt said its mission is “to change hearts and minds on abortion” globally, but she declined to provide details of activities in Africa.

Funding emboldens harassment of reproductive-rights groups

Hannah Ruguru vowed to help women get abortions safely after losing her sister to a backstreet procedure. But her work at a reproductive health clinic in Kisumu in rural western Kenya has proven increasingly hazardous.

She’s been screamed at by protesters and encountered so much abuse on Facebook that she deleted her account, she said.

“Sometimes you can get scared,” Ruguru said. But “at the end of the day, I’m helping women.”

Marie Stopes International, which runs the clinic where Ruguru works, said in a 2024 report that staff in several African countries described online and legal attacks from US-based groups and US-funded local organisations. In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, it said, health workers have been detained for days for providing legally permissible services before being released without charge.

“The extent of the opposition has made abortion providers fearful of coming to work,” the report said.

In Ethiopia, the group said, the head of the local office of US-based Family Watch International has “targeted and trolled members of our senior leadership team on social media” and released YouTube videos promoting anti-abortion misinformation.

In Kenya, the names and addresses of staff at reproductive rights organisations have been published online, accusing them of murder.

The owner of a private abortion clinic in Nairobi said staff members have been harassed by police and detained. Officials demand bribes, threatening charges if they don’t pay up, the owner said, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of repercussions.

Musoba Kitui, regional director of Ipas Africa Alliance, which promotes reproductive rights and access to safe abortion care, said the changes in US foreign aid policy combined with “this advancing American interest in ideology in Africa are really concerning”.

“We think the consequences are going to be dire,” Kitui said, especially for women and marginalised communities such as LGBTQ+ people.

‘It’s a culture war’

Last year, anti-abortion Christian groups from the US, Europe and Africa and high-ranking Kenyan officials gathered in Nairobi for a conference on “Promoting and Protecting Family Values in Challenging Times”. Poland-based anti-abortion group Ordo Iuris handed out a guide in four languages, including Swahili, with tips on lobbying international organisations, including the UN, EU and AU.

Travis Weber, vice president of the Family Research Council, a Washington-based evangelical group active in anti-abortion advocacy, said he travelled to Nairobi to “defend the family as God designed it”.

Charles Kanjama, vice chairman of the African Christian Professionals Forum, the conference organiser, said previously international aid often supported reproductive rights — but times have changed.

“We are hoping that we can start attracting money from people who think like us,” said Kanjama, among Africa’s most prominent anti-abortion figures. “It’s a culture war, really.”

Indeed, the anti-abortion agenda is gaining momentum. In June, representatives of 20 African countries finalised a draft charter at a conference in Ghana that calls for rejecting sexual and reproductive health rights. It will be voted on by the AU next year. Family Watch International’s co-founder, Sharon Slater, was among those fundraising for the charter’s passage at the European Parliament in Brussels this year.

Legal gray area

In Kenya, one of Africa’s richest countries, seven women die every day on average from complications of unsafe abortions, according to the African Population and Health Research Centre.

The 2010 Kenyan constitution permits abortion when a woman’s health or life is threatened. Subsequent court decisions have also allowed abortions in cases of rape, incest or serious threats to a woman’s mental health.

But there’s a major legal gray area. Kenya’s penal code, which dates to the colonial era, continues to criminalise abortion providers and women seeking the procedure, who can face up to 14 years in prison.

Most public hospitals don’t perform abortions, leaving women the option of pricey private clinic procedures or risky illicit methods, health care officials said.

In May, an appeals court in Kenya overturned a ruling that affirmed access to abortion is a fundamental right — a case led by Kanjama, who said the decision “restored constitutional balance”.

The Kenyan health ministry, justice ministry and the government spokesperson’s office did not reply to repeated AP requests for comment, including detailed questions sent via email.

The US state department, in response to an AP request for comment on the Trump administration’s new rules governing American aid overseas, said: “The American people expect their tax dollars to support programmes that save lives and reflect American values, not fund abortion-related activities, left-wing social agendas, or wasteful overseas bureaucracies.

“US assistance continues to support a wide range of maternal and child health services as part of the America First Global Health Strategy,” it said.

On the ground, women are dying from unsafe abortions

In Kenya, doctors are obligated to treat women suffering from post-abortion complications, often from underground procedures, including bleeding, infections and the loss of their wombs — and it’s those cases that often end up in public hospitals.

“By the time the women come, we are often dealing with a life-threatening situation,” said Dominic Omollo, the reproductive health co-ordinator in Bondo, western Kenya.

Even as the stated aim of US, international and Africa-based anti-abortion groups is to protect life, activists and health care providers say that on the ground, the result is more unsafe abortions and more women dying.

In Karabok, a village in rural Kenya, two trees were planted at the site where Mary Olouch is buried, just metres from where the 25-year-old bled to death after an illicit abortion.

“She did not open up to anyone,” said Loice Ochieng, a community health volunteer in charge of family planning in the village.

Olouch already had a young child when she realised she was pregnant. She didn’t tell her husband. When he came home one evening, he found her bleeding and rushed her to the hospital, but it was too late.

Olouch did not qualify for an abortion in a public hospital and couldn’t afford a private clinic on her meagre income selling fish. Abortion carries enormous stigma in rural communities, and husbands often don’t allow women to use contraceptives, Ochieng said.

After Olouch’s death, women started to talk more openly about abortion in Karabok, where for many even uttering the word had been taboo, Ochieng said.

Now, she said, if women “have a problem, they come to me; they ask. Because they have seen that this thing can cause death”.

AP