Where is the ANC?

The most thought-provoking remarks during the first day of the ANC's eventful national conference held in Polokwane, Limpopo, five years ago did not come from then president Thabo Mbeki. Nor were they from the angry ANC Youth League delegates, who made clear their determination to oust Mbeki by constantly disrupting the proceedings through howling and songs.

It was late afternoon on that hot Sunday in December when then ANC secretary-general Kgalema Motlanthe delivered his 64-page organisational report.

His was the most honest account of what had gone wrong with the ruling party in the run-up to the Polokwane conference.

Motlanthe spoke candidly of how the party had been split into two factions - one backing Mbeki and another supporting then ANC deputy president Jacob Zuma's bid to take over.

Delegates listened attentively as he bemoaned the fact that the factions were "ferociously lobbying" in support of two competing election lists - one headed by Mbeki and excluding Zuma and the other headed by Zuma and excluding Mbeki.

"These lists have been punted quite openly by groupings within the movement, with the active participation of some members of the current national executive committee. Despite having been party to the NEC's adoption of guidelines on the process of nominating and electing leadership, these members have, in recent periods, completely ignored both the spirit and letter of these guidelines in order to participate in public campaigns to condemn and denigrate some leaders within the movement and glorify others," Motlanthe told delegates.

Luthuli House, he said, had received complaints from branches which said members were being intimidated, bribed and even promised government posts if they backed one faction over the other.

"All of this has happened during the term of office of the current NEC. What this means is that, quite clearly, this NEC has failed to resolve the divisive issues that have plagued the movement in the past few years," he said.

In the context of such divisions, Motlanthe continued, the question delegates ought to ask themselves was: "Where is the ANC?"

"When elected leaders at the highest level openly engage in factionalism activity, where is the movement that aims to unite the people of South Africa?"

Though they listened attentively, probably out of respect for the man affectionately known as Mkhuluwa (elder brother) in ANC alliance circles, delegates did not heed his warning. They went on to vote along the lines of the very same election slates against which he had warned.

Since he is now the party's deputy president, Motlanthe will not be presenting an organisational report at the national conference scheduled for December in Mangaung, Free State. That is now the duty of his successor, Gwede Mantashe.

But as I watched the television news footage of an ANCYL rally in Tzaneen, Limpopo - where scores of supporters wearing T-shirts bearing Motlanthe's face sang anti-Zuma songs - I wondered if, given an opportunity to address the Mangaung conference, Motlanthe would again be asking "where is the ANC"? Would he blame the current ANC executive, of which he is the second-most influential leader, of failing to unite the ruling party?

To his great credit, Motlanthe did rebuke those in the crowd wearing T-shirts with an image of his face and the words "ANC president" written on them.

As far as I can recall, this is the first time an ANC leader publicly chastised his own supporters for contravening party policy and internal campaign decorum.

But unless the ruling party reforms its outdated nomination procedures for internal elections, such breaches are likely to escalate and eventually threaten the stability of the ruling party in the long run.

Instead of putting a lid on nominations for leadership posts until October, the ANC should have allowed for a more structured process so that those seeking to be voted into positions can openly canvass for votes.

I have heard it being argued that allowing open contests - a la US-style - would only favour rich party members or those who have the financial backing of big business. But the fact is, money is already a big factor in ANC elections.

Besides, such contests ought not to be as expensive as the primaries in the US. Here at home, we have the example - among many- of the Democratic Alliance. As we have seen with recent DA elections in Gauteng and KwaZulu-Natal, candidates for positions are allowed to have debates with each other at closed party meetings in order to allow the membership to determine who can best advance the interests of the party.

Reluctant as the ANC is to follow a DA example, this is one option the party needs to consider if it is to end the current culture of underground campaigning that often results in permanent divisions.

Imagine if ANC members were allowed to hear, first hand from Zuma and Motlanthe - or any other leader harbouring presidential ambitions - why they think they are best to lead the party as it enters its second century of existence.

The force of argument and the qualities of each candidate would determine who ends up leading the ANC and - if it continues to win elections - the country.