At the ad hoc committee on allegations made by Lt-Gen Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi, veteran prosecutor Glynnis Breytenbach delivered one of the most revealing interrogations of the hearings so far. She exposed a pattern in the life of witness Cat Matlala that the public can no longer ignore — he has been arrested repeatedly throughout his adult life; most of these cases were withdrawn; and he had quick and direct access to senior police officials whenever he was in trouble.
Having been exposed in this way, Matlala created a scene of victimhood. He narrated a story of a boy wounded by a world that never loved him. “My mother was an albino; she was raped; she disappeared. I drifted into the streets, and became a street kid.”
What Matlala was saying was this: “I did what I did because life was cruel to me.” Matlala’s story may be sincere. His pain may be genuine. But it is a sophisticated strategy. Because once you trigger pity, you neutralise accountability. People instinctively pull back from harsh judgment.
Strong emotions (sympathy, sorrow, guilt) override rational evaluation. This is why the psychology of absolution is so effective: emotion interrupts judgment.
But the vast majority of South Africans who grew up in poverty and in broken families do not gravitate to criminality. Childhood pain does not automatically produce a man like him. Childhood pain produces teachers, police chiefs, nurses, hustlers, electricians, pastors, social workers, activists.
Childhood pain has a hundred possible outcomes. Constant arrests is only one. The committee is not dealing with an innocent man persecuted by childhood trauma. It is dealing with a man who acknowledges many arrests, yet most of the time never faced the consequences of those cases.
That is the real issue.
If parliament, the courts or the public begin to treat high-risk offenders as tragic figures rather than accountable actors, South Africa risks entrenching a dangerous precedent.
− Chris Kanyane, Pretoria

Putin’s white genocide in Ukraine
So US President Trump not only snubbed the G20 summit in Johannesburg but now has barred South Africa entry to the 2026 G20 meeting in Miami. Trump’s reasoning is the apparent “white genocide” that the ruling ANC allows to continue. As a white South African I must have missed this “genocide” ... Could it be that it exists only in Trump’s mind?
If he is so concerned about “white genocide” Trump should ban the Russians from attending the next summit as the unprovoked Russian invasion of Ukraine is killing a much larger number of white people.
− Robert Nicolai, Howick
Hypocrisy writ large in anti-DA marches
For years, communities such as Khayelitsha, Philippi, Nyanga, Gugulethu, Delft, Mfuleni and Kosovo have lived with the frustration of stalled housing projects, delayed electrification and obstructed infrastructure upgrades. These delays are often blamed on government inefficiency or budget constraints — but on the ground, another force has increasingly inserted itself between residents and development: the South African National Civics Organisation, operating less like a community organisation and more like a gatekeeping network that thrives on disruption.
What should have been a voice for community upliftment has, in the eyes of many residents, morphed into a structure that blocks progress under the guise of “local empowerment”. Instead of acting as a bridge between people and government, Sanco has too often positioned itself as the toll gate — demanding access, influence or concessions before development can proceed.
Recent protest marches under the Sanco banner reveal this clearly. These are the same failing ANC, Coatu and SACP leaders who routinely take to the streets to “demand” service delivery from the DA-led administration, all while raising issues such as crime, electricity failures, water shortages, sanitation challenges and housing backlogs.
But there is a glaring irony here: these very leaders sit in meetings with ANC ministers who are directly responsible for policing, energy, water and housing at a national level. They know exactly where accountability lies — yet choose to target local government for political theatrics. These marches are not expressions of community frustration; they are attempts to discredit the DA-led administration for political gain, and disadvantaged communities are mobilised not for justice but for optics.
Residents deserve leaders who will fight for real solutions, not individuals who thrive on chaos, confusion and political mileage. It is time to call this conduct what it is: hypocrisy wrapped in struggle rhetoric.
Sanco, as it operates today in many areas, is not facilitating progress — it is blocking it. As we are fast approaching the 2026 local government elections, we will see a rise of these well-orchestrated and disruptive protests. Until residents recognise these tactics for what they are, the cycle of manipulation and stagnation will continue. Empowerment should uplift communities, not enrich gatekeepers.
− Thulani Dasa, Khayelitsha
Who needs an AK-47 under the bed?
Among all the revelations by Vusimuzi Matlala at the parliamentary committee inquiring into police malfeasance, one that was lost in the melee is very worrying. When he related how many personal arms he legally owned, Matlala mentioned an assault rifle.
Why on earth is this country giving licences to private citizens to own assault rifles — essentially arms used in war as they inflict maximum damage and death in a short period of time?
One of the most common of these is the AK-47. Why would an ordinary citizen be allowed to own an assault rifle? Really, do I need an AK-47 for personal protection? How many people are likely to attack me so that I need an assault rifle that discharges 60 bullets per minute?
The real worry is, how many of these lethal weapons have been licensed to citizens? I would be very glad if an enterprising investigative journalist would follow up this matter.
Maybe it’s time, for people like us who abhor guns, to revise our terribly naive attitude and smell the coffee; because we are very vulnerable, living among citizens who own these dangerous weapons.
− Dr Thabisi Hoeane, head of political science, Unisa, Pretoria
Why all the fuss about women?
It is dangerous and misleading to portray gender-based violence (GBV) as simply “men against women”. GBV is a component of South Africa’s larger crisis of violence, unemployment, inequality and crime, rather than a “national disaster” all of its own. It is vulgar and provocative to elevate GBV above the daily violence and deaths experienced by black men.
Black men have paid the highest price since 1652: they have had to defend land in frontier wars, suffer expropriation and bear the weight of apartheid. However, propaganda shames them into silence and tells them to “step back”, as if “their GBV” is the reason behind inequality, poverty, corruption and unemployment.
The disturbing truth is that women often commit acts of violence against children, including abuse and abortion. However, this is disregarded as GBV campaigns take centre stage. Black men will be forced to boycott GBV awareness campaigns and withdraw from the 16 Days of Activism, until our own situation is acknowledged.
Selective justice is not possible. There is a national crisis of violence in South Africa, but it’s not just men against women. To pretend otherwise is to deepen division and deny the dignity of black men who paid the highest price for freedom.
− Khotso Moleko, Mangaung






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