MAKHUDU SEFARA | Every man for himself: where’s Zuma to help you now, Hlophe?

Unfortunately for the fallen ones, the former president is too busy fighting his own battles to help them

Former Western Cape judge president John Hlophe. File photo.
Former Western Cape judge president John Hlophe. File photo. (Trevor Samson)

Western Cape judge president John Hlophe this week sought to stop the first impeachment of a judge since the dawn of democracy, while also trying to stop President Cyril Ramaphosa from suspending him.

Hlophe’s case went into a hiatus when former president Jacob Zuma was in charge, but the house of cards now seems to be coming apart. Zuma, the man Hlophe tried in vain to help by trying to influence Constitutional Court judges Chris Jafta and Bess Nkabinde in 2008, is recovering in hospital, awaiting his official release on a separate matter. His arms deal corruption case is set to get under way in the Pietermaritzburg high court.

Years after many tried to help Zuma, they remain entangled in legal woes. He, meanwhile, seems to escape like a real phunyuka bemphethe (one who escapes from what appears to be a firm grip).

Though Schabir Shaik, his original corruption case mate, seems to have escaped, he now must make do with pretending to be sickly, living his life away from the spotlight, even though occasionally enjoying private games of golf. His life will never be the same until the end. 

Hlophe too knew long ago who the members of the JSC looking into his shenanigans were. He said nothing until now, when it became evident that parliament was seized with the process of his historic impeachment and Ramaphosa is being asked to suspend him.

In his last throw of the dice, Hlophe argued this week that a committee appointed by the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) was “irrational and unreasonable” when it found he tried improperly to influence ConCourt judges in Zuma’s favour.

“Judges discuss matters among each other and the majority JSC failed to address that evidence. I gave incontrovertible evidence that judges discuss their matters among themselves and where they are friends, I believed the two judges were, they discuss their work with the full appreciation of the limits of such discussions.”

It’s a pity that it has come to this for this erstwhile great judge turned commissar of a faction of the ANC. 

He now, like Zuma, raises issues related to “reasonable apprehension of bias” involving members of the JSC. It is interesting that he must, again like Zuma, raise this post facto. Remember Zuma too announced to the nation the appointment of deputy chief justice Raymond Zondo as the chair of the state capture commission, reasonably aware he would eventually appear before him. Even during his initial appearance before Zondo, Zuma did not raise issues of apprehension of bias until after failing to answer a few questions and then staging a dramatic walkout. Only then did he remember there was bias. Hlophe too knew long ago who the members of the JSC looking into his shenanigans were. He said nothing until now, when it became evident parliament was seized with the process of his historic impeachment and Ramaphosa is being asked to suspend him.

Such a terrible end — thanks to Zuma. 

Of late, there’s Sphithiphithi Evaluator, real name Zamaswazi Zinhle Majozi, a 36-year-old businesswoman now battling possible jail time after her appearance in the Germiston magistrate’s court on a charge of incitement to commit public violence. For the love of Zuma, Majozi allegedly violated our country’s laws. As Zuma’s children, who are her age and older, are shielded from the consequences of the violence and damage witnessed in KwaZulu-Natal and parts of Gauteng two months ago, Majozi is left to pick up the pieces, along with a dozen others believed to be instigators of the looting. 

Unfortunately for them, they have no benefit of advanced age and ailments, though unknown, that have helped Zuma to get a controversial medical parole. They are also not closely related to Zuma to be left alone, such as Edward and Duduzile Zuma.

But the risks don’t stop the fanatical support. Some support him simply because he is Zulu, others support him because he cuts an unsophisticated figure in a complex political game with more educated opponents. Skepsel! 

In the many years before his tortuous journey to the Union Buildings and his attempts now to evade accountability for his actions, Zuma has switched loyalties and left many in the lurch, facing trials and travails unsupported.

This week, Hlophe must be looking back and wondering if Zuma would have put himself and his career on the line if roles were reversed. As he waits to see if his legal action this week stops, even just delays, his impeachment or suspension by Ramaphosa, he is like shrapnel, an object of no use after a major explosion. Like all shrapnel, the small pieces or, shall we say, shattered lives are many. 

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