WILLIAM GUMEDE | From French to foe: African youth have had it with their former coloniser

There is rising opposition by African youth, media and political leaders to France’s presence in its former colonies, partly because of the country’s outsize influence on the continent, accusations that it has been siding with dictators and unfair post-colonial trade deals continuing in its favour.

The anti-French protests and sentiments are on the streets, on social media and at meetings with heads of state. The wave of opposition coincides with the rise of populist French movements campaigning for stricter controls on African immigration. France has, in recent years, tightened immigration rules for Africans.

The anti-French sentiment is also part of rising anti-Western attitudes on the continent, particularly among youth on social media platforms.

In November, forum for French-speaking countries the Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie (OIF), in its summit in Djerba, Tunisia, debated growing anti-French discontent.

In October 2021, French president Emmanuel Macron invited civil society, youth leaders and social influencers to Montpelier's Africa-France Summit, usually reserved for heads of state. It was dubbed the “New Africa-France Summit”, a Françafrique strategy to respond to increasingly vocal anti-Western criticisms from francophone countries.

Though not with the same intensity, the uprisings are similar to youth unrest against authoritarian African leaders, which unseated many autocratic rulers in francophone African countries in the mid-2000s. France’s relationship with its former colonies is referred to as Françafrique.

Across Africa, there were calls to take down statues of General Louis Faidherbe, who during the France’s conquest of Senegal in the mid-19th century was accused of terrible atrocities against the locals.

Many of these countries have large French business sectors. In Senegal, French investors account for 25% of GDP. Many anti-French protests in such states have targeted private businesses, such as that in Senegal’s capital Dakar last year, when protesters attacked French-owned companies during nationwide demonstrations against the government and the French. They started as anti-government corruption, increasing poverty and unemployment protests, but quickly turned against the French.

The colonial-era CFA franc, the euro-linked currency, is used in 14 west and central African countries. Those using it must keep 50% of their currency reserves with the Banque de France, which pegs the African franc to the euro. In 2020, CFA-franc countries resolved to replace the currency with a local one called eco.

Many francophone African leaders, youth and civil society have called for the withdrawal of French troops from former colonies. The country has one of the largest foreign troop contingents in the region.

In November 2021, French troops on their way to fight Islamist militants were blocked by protesters in Burkina Faso and Niger. France’s strategy has been to support the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in its battle with Islamist jihadists. However, ECOWAS is a regional body that includes dictators, autocrats and coup leaders. Many locals see France as propping up these undemocratic African rulers.

Ironically, many of the continent's authoritarian leaders are also rebelling against France. In August, Mali’s army-led government advised Macron to “abandon his neocolonial and patronising” attitude towards the country. Withdrawing French troops across francophone Africa are increasingly being replaced by members of Russian mercenary group Wagner, with Mali controversially inviting it to replace French troops.

At the end of last year, France was forced to withdraw its remaining soldiers from the Central African Republic (CAR) after tensions escalated between the two governments. Russia provided weapons to the CAR to bolster its fight against local rebels.

Many Africans who fought in the French army have recently demanded full recognition and compensation for their efforts. Early this month, the last surviving tirailleurs, francophone African soldiers, were told by the French government they would receive pensions in their home countries.

A number of francophone African governments and activists have called for France to return historical colonial artefacts. In 2021, the country returned 26 works of art grabbed by French colonial soldiers in 1892 in Benin. However, the Benin government seeks 5,000 artefacts seized by France during its colonial reign.

The death of George Floyd in the US in May 2020 renewed the global debate on racism against blacks in western countries, including France. Campaigns to tear down statues of racist colonial figures have sprung up in the country and its francophone African counterparts.

Across this continent there were calls to take down statues of Gen Louis Faidherbe, who, during France’s conquest of Senegal in the mid-19th century, was accused of terrible atrocities against locals.

Activists also called for statues of Jean-Baptiste Colbert, a minister under King Louis XIV in the 17th century, to be toppled. Colbert’s Code Noir (“Black Code”), published in 1685, gave slavers rights over slaves in the French West Indies. In it, Colbert describes the latter as êtres meubles, or “chattel”.

Activists also called for statues of Georges Cuvier, the 19th-century naturalist and anatomist, to be removed. Cuvier had strong racist views and was responsible for dissecting the body of Saartjie Baartman.

Martinique, in May 2020, took down two statues of Victor Schoelcher, who campaigned for colonial slave owners to be compensated for freeing their charges. Activists in Reunion demanded tearing down the statue of former colonial governor Mahé de La Bourdonnais, who, during the colonial era, used slaves for public works.

Macron has made Africa a key pivot in his strategy to increase France’s global reach. In 2018, he established the Presidential Council for Africa to advise on the continent’s strategy. He has lobbied for the continued use of French in Africa, appealing to the continent’s youth not to replace the language with English in his language diplomacy policy “la Francophonie”. “If we go about it right, France will be the first language in Africa — and maybe even the world — in the coming decades,” he said recently.

Partly in response to the wave of anti-French anger, Macron has increased development aid to francophone African countries to 0.55% of GDP and plans to up this to 0.7% by 2025.

It is crucial France base its relationship with individual countries on equality, not colonialism. It must support francophone African countries’ efforts to delink from the CFA franc and establish currency independence.

France must allow Africa’s products into its markets. It must lower tariff barriers for value-added goods from this continent. Business partnerships between French companies and African ones must be based on the transfer of technology, management and skills.

Reparation for colonialism is key, whether it is returning historical artefacts, compensating tirailleurs for fighting in France’s wars or erecting statues of African heroes in the anti-colonial struggle. It is crucial France supports democratic forces on the continent — with money, resources and political backing — not authoritarian ones. Unrestricted opposition parties, civil society and independent media are critical for Africa’s development and must be supported.

William Gumede is associate professor, School of Governance, University of the Witwatersrand, and author of 'Restless Nation: Making Sense of Troubled Times' (Tafelberg)