PremiumPREMIUM

JJ TABANE | What happened to government’s strategic plan on GBV?

Lack of resource allocation to gender-based violence makes it hard to believe battling the crisis is still top priority for this government

President Cyril Ramaphosa speaks at a Women's Day event in Pretoria on August 9 2023.
President Cyril Ramaphosa speaks at a Women's Day event in Pretoria on August 9 2023. (SA government/Twitter)

In 2018, after the Total Shutdown and national gender-based violence (GBV) summit, President Cyril Ramaphosa made all kinds of promises to fight GBV and assigned more than a billion rand to fight what he has termed the second pandemic. But alas, as soon as a health emergency arrived at our doorstep a short two years later, the first budget item to be cut was the same money set aside to fight the scourge. As far as I am aware, there has been no report back to the nation about what happened to that billion rand or subsequent billions that were set aside to combat GBV. What we know is that numerous NGOs that applied for funds to conduct programmes that were meant to be part of implementing the so-called strategic plan against GBV waited for months to get a cent from the fund to no avail.

Women can see other relief funds flying around. Placed under Covid-19 pressure government set aside R27bn  (after pleading poverty when they had to allocate funds towards GBV) to shore up what looks like a shambolic elections ploy (the so-called R350 scheme).

I am sure such a scheme has its use, but what women expected is that if a billion rand was set aside so that they don’t die, then such commitment should be honoured, especially after GBV was declared an emergency after a few harrowing incidents of femicide that rocked the country.

Dropping the ball on resource allocation to this scourge makes it hard to believe the fight against GBV is still a priority for this government, over and above Women’s Month pronouncements that have become routine on a month like this. It's also worth noting that the last two budget votes or Sonas did not even mention any allocation to fight GBV.

After the summit the strategic plan was meant to give shape to the government’s response to GBV to avoid what seems like a knee-jerk reaction triggered by high-profile incidents of GBV and femicide.

What has been achieved since the adoption of the strategic plan?

The plan at a glance looks at six pillars, and sadly it looks like most of them are not gaining much traction.

It speaks of “bold leadership, strengthened accountability across government and society that responds to GBVF strategically with clear messaging and adequate technical and financial resources”. Sadly this has not happened. Since 2018 there has been little or no messaging to highlight GBV and its urgency. As far as so-called bold leadership is concerned, there is absolutely nothing to show for it. The past and even current ministers responsible for women must be the poorest advocates for this intervention.

It seems this post is not being taken seriously by government and that incumbents seem to have resigned themselves to be on the exit lounge. Last week at the Women’s Day commemoration the minister made no policy pronouncements except to say the fight against GBV must be taken to the failed district development model, where people apparently will be chased out of wards if they are accused of GBV. There is nothing more hollow. This is why the pillar related to bold leadership is a farce. A true champion to fight GBV is yet to be born.

At even basic policing level there is no evidence that our police stations are geared properly towards serving victims.

This plan goes on to speak of “strengthened multi-sectoral co-ordination and collaboration across different tiers of government and sections of society based on relationships of trust that give effect to the pillars of the NSP. 2.1”. 

All evidence points to the opposite. There has been terrible erosion of trust by social partners as they feel ignored even in the context of the steering committee to oversee the implementation of this plan. Those close to the situation decry the hands-off nature of the ministry of women, and when the minister gets involved, the lack of depth of input characterises her interventions. This has destroyed whatever trust was left and looks like this alone will derail the implementation of the strategic plan.

The plan was commended for being strong on victim empowerment. It states boldly: “All GBV survivors are able to access efficient and sensitive criminal justice that is quick, accessible, responsive and gender inclusive; 3.2. Strengthened capacity within the criminal justice system to address all impunity, effectively respond to femicide and facilitate justice for GBV survivors.”

At even basic policing level there is no evidence that our police stations are geared towards serving victims. A few announcements by specialised courts must be welcomed. It is important to understand that while this is good for the eventual administration of justice, it does nothing for the pipeline that makes the perpetrator eventually stand trial, if at the point of reporting the crime there is no decent reception of the victim. This is where the perpetrators get away with murder.

Finally, the plan promises amended legislation related to GBV areas that build on legislative reforms initiated under the Emergency Response Action: “Plan. 4.1. Strengthened existing response, care and support services by the state and civil society in ways that are victim-centred and survivor-focused to facilitate recovery and healing; 4.2. Secondary victimisation is eliminated through addressing specific individual and systemic factors that drive it; victims feel supported by the system to access the necessary psychosocial, material and other support required to assist them with their healing; Strengthened community and institutional responses to provide integrated care and support to GBVF survivors.”

Since the adoption of this plan in 2018 parliament only passed three pieces of supportive legislation to make the sentiment expressed here worth the paper it is written on. The Criminal Law Amendment Act and Sexual Offences Amendment Act are a step in the right direction, though their introduction into the statutes was a non-event. I am sure during Women’s Month we will hear more about what has been done to make these plans real and such legislative amendments count.

At a glance the key pillars of the plan don’t seem to have found their way to the government’s priority list. It may be because we are not informed that it seems like little or nothing was done to implement the plan, which is a disappointment given the hype when the plan was adopted. It seems Ramaphosa was good at igniting excitement about possible action when his back was against the wall but failed to follow through to ensure what amounts to promises, expressed through this strategic plan, actually happens.

Just last week Ramaphosa promised a law that will deny GBV perpetrators bail. This sounds unconstitutional and as fanciful as Lindiwe Sisulu calling for chemical castration of GBV offenders. There seems to be an evaporation of ideas when it comes to how GBV can be defeated.

Now we wait for another set of pronouncements to tick the box of Women’s Month, given that so little that has happened — it’s sad that yet another woman may die this time because of government ineptitude.

Dr Onkgopotse JJ Tabane is editor of Leadership Magazine and anchor of Power to Truth on eNCA.

Would you like to comment on this article?
Sign up (it's quick and free) or sign in now.

Comment icon