Prof JJ Tabane has made a striking pivot in his political narrative, revealing a newfound embrace of the very forces he once critiqued, as he navigates the turbulent waters of South Africa's Government of National Unity.
While his insights into the complexities of the GNU and the tensions between the ANC and the DA should be appreciated, his framing of business as an adversary to the people is overly simplistic. It’s essential to recognise that the business community is not made up of monolithic entities — it is composed of individuals, many of whom are part of the very communities that are perceived to be at odds with “capital interests”. The business community's call for cool heads and for parties to maintain a GNU that includes the DA is prudent and sensible.
We often feign ignorance and deliberately disregard that business are citizens and they pay tax. For those whose memory hasn’t faded, remember that some business leaders risked it all under apartheid and went to meet the ANC in Lusaka. Others such as Chris Ball of Barclays were ostracised for funding the UDF and “unbanning the ANC” in the newspapers. Even when approached from the far-left ideological point of view, there’s always room for the patriotic bourgeoise.
By labelling the private sector as an enemy of the people, therefore, Prof Tabane risks alienating potential allies in the pursuit of inclusive development and growth.
Historically, going through Prof Tabane’s published works, he has emphasised the importance of market confidence and how stable economic policies can drive investment and growth. At some stage, he criticised the Zuma administration for eroding investor confidence, arguing that such instability ultimately harms the very people that populist policies aim to protect.
The DA, despite its many flaws, represents an important constituency, enjoys market confidence (rightly or wrongly) and also plays a critical role in advocating for accountability and sound governance, which is crucial for a functional democracy.
For instance, during Zuma’s presidency, as is the case currently, the economy faced significant challenges, including high unemployment rates and stagnant growth. Then Prof Tabane pointed out that a collaborative approach between government and the private sector was vital for innovation and job creation, and these were essential for addressing South Africa's pressing economic challenges.
The economic landscape in South Africa has always been intricately tied to both local and global markets. Investors look for stability, transparency and a predictable policy environment. During Zuma’s time, policies often felt erratic, leading to a lack of confidence among investors. Prof Tabane’s arguments then highlighted that without a strong partnership with business, the ANC risked deepening economic woes. His current stance seems contradictory to his earlier insights, which advocated for a balanced approach that includes the private sector in discussions about national development.
The notion of a social compact is vital in times of crisis. It emphasises the need for all stakeholders, including business, civil society and political parties, to engage in constructive dialogue and collaborative decision-making. This approach is not merely theoretical, it has practical implications for governance. History has shown that when various sectors work together, they can create policies that are more effective and equitable. The social compact concept suggests that each stakeholder has a role in shaping the future, and this inclusivity can lead to more sustainable outcomes.
The mooted overzealousness to exclude the DA from this process, especially in favour of those whose leadership has contributed to the current mess facing South Africa, undermines the very democratic principles we seek to uphold. The DA, despite its many flaws, represents an important constituency, enjoys market confidence (rightly or wrongly) and also plays a critical role in advocating for accountability and sound governance, which is crucial for a functional democracy. Their presence in the GNU offers a counterbalance to the ANC, pushing for policies that are more aligned with the needs of a diverse electorate.
While there may be valid criticism of the DA's effectiveness within the GNU from some quarters, dismissing their contributions risks romanticising a political landscape that includes parties whose leaders have historically been part of the corruption narrative. This selective critique inadvertently echoes sentiments associated with those behind the term “white monopoly capital”, a label that has often been weaponised to demonise a critical constituency in our society. His sudden use of “capital” instead of business as he used to, among other things, raises questions about the consistency of Prof Tabane's political stance and signals a troubling flirtation with divisive rhetoric.
Critiquing the DA for its role in the GNU also overlooks the reality that effective governance often requires compromise. The DA and other parties’ participation in the GNU is not just about political expediency — it represents a commitment to ensuring that various voices are heard in the decision-making process.
Moreover, while Prof Tabane argues that the ANC is leaning too heavily towards capital at the expense of the people, it’s important to remember that economic stability often requires a partnership with the private sector as he has, ironically, argued before. The suggestion that business leaders should be sidelined undermines the collective effort needed to navigate these turbulent waters. History has shown that excluding business from critical discussions may often lead to poor policy outcomes.
The claim that the ANC's dominant faction, an intentional mischievous characterisation of organisational dynamics, is focused solely on protecting capital and corruption risks oversimplifying the diverse motivations and challenges faced by party leaders. While corruption is undoubtedly a significant issue, it is also essential to consider how the markets, structural inequalities and economic pressures shape their decisions. The ANC has a legacy of addressing historical injustices, and navigating these complexities requires a nuanced understanding of both the market and the needs of the people.
Prof Tabane’s criticism could be more impactful if it acknowledged that the ANC's approach to “capital” and governance is influenced by historical context. The party has struggled to balance its transformative agenda with the realities of a globalised economy. This balancing act is fraught with challenges, as evidenced by the public's frustration with both the pace of change and the persistence of inequality.
In addition, the ongoing economic challenges worsened by global events, such as the Covid-19 pandemic, Trump and other geopolitical tensions, require a united front. The GNU was formed in part to stabilise governance and address these crises collectively. Yet it risks fracturing if parties do not engage in open dialogue and seek common ground. Prof Tabane’s framing of the situation as a binary choice between capital and the people diminishes the potential for collaborative solutions that can benefit both.
While one empathises with Tabane's concerns about the state of the GNU, a more constructive discourse would involve recognising the potential for collaboration between business and government, rather than framing them as polar opposites. Stability should be the goal, but it must be pursued through inclusive dialogue that respects the contributions of all stakeholders, including the DA, trade unions, civil society and business, among others.
Only through a genuine social compact can we hope to address the pressing issues facing South Africa today. The path forward must involve recognising that the interests of capital and the needs of the people are not inherently opposed. By promoting an environment where all voices are heard and valued, we can create a more equitable and sustainable future for all South Africans.
Sipho Ngwema is head of communications at the Competition Commission and an experienced media and reputation management strategist. He writes in his own capacity.
For opinion and analysis consideration, email Opinions@timeslive.co.za
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