Amid anticipation surrounding the formation of a technocratic government in Port Sudan, prime minister Kamil Idris has revealed the launch of a broad national dialogue involving political and social forces to discuss the future of the transitional period.
He announced ongoing consultations with several political factions and emphasised the importance of fostering a spirit of national dialogue and reinforcing principles of transparency and consensus among the components of Sudan’s political landscape.
According to a statement from his office, an inclusive meeting will be held soon, gathering various political and societal actors for a frank and responsible conversation about the country's transitional path. The goal, he stated, is to reach a national consensus that strengthens internal unity and cohesion.
Idris urged all political forces to “adopt a constructive dialogue and joint action that fulfils the Sudanese people's aspirations for peace, stability, and democracy — towards a Sudan that embraces all, safeguards its people's dignity, and preserves its national unity”. He stressed that the country is at a critical juncture that requires prioritising national interests over narrow calculations and invoking a spirit of responsibility and selflessness for the sake of the homeland.
A death ‘in the cradle’
Idris’s call for a national dialogue sparked widespread reactions across Sudanese circles, with the official spokesperson of the Sudan Liberation Army Movement, Al-Sadiq Ali Al-Nour, declaring it a death certificate for the technocratic government before its birth.
Idris wrote: “With this step, the prime minister places shackles around the neck of the government of hope, binds himself with ropes and writes its death certificate. He should have consulted experts and specialists and immediately begun his executive duties.”
Commenting on Idris’s dialogue initiative, Hasan Abdel-Radi Al-Sheikh remarked: “There was nothing ‘complete’ about Kamil Idris, not in vision, not in position, not even in the courage to confront. He did not bring technocrats; he brought ‘wishocrats’ — a government of dreams and desires, not decisions and action. He failed simply because he did not understand the moment, nor the essence of a people who no longer accept dull solutions and sterile compromises.”
In an article published on July 3 , he added: “He promised a non-partisan path, yet here he is chasing an ‘inclusive meeting’ of political factions! Why these factions? Were they not the same ones that never brought him to power? Are they not the same who stood silently through military blunders and even backed them against civilians and revolutionaries? Did they not form part of the repression machine, waving the slogan ‘One Army, One People’ to mask their own moral and political cracks?”
Calls to halt formation of a technocratic government
To date, the contours of Idris’s government remain unclear. Since his appointment on June 24, he has only named two ministers — for defence and interior — drawn from the Nuba Mountains and the eastern region. His failure to announce a full cabinet stems from growing internal disputes within the ruling military alliance since the 2021 coup.
In this context, Mohamed Al-Faki Suleiman, a leader in the “Sumood” coalition and a former Sovereignty Council member, called on Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan to halt the government formation process and shift towards a political transition that restructures the current landscape.
In a recorded video shared on Facebook, Suleiman warned: “If we let disputes escalate into confrontation, we could end up with more than two governments,” arguing that forming a government amid the current divisions risks fragmenting the country.
Meanwhile, the armed groups that signed the Juba Peace Agreement — and support the army — have demanded the same ministries they have held since the 2020 accord. These five ministries include key portfolios such as finance, economic planning, and mining.
The Juba Agreement grants peace partners three seats in the Sovereignty Council, five ministerial posts — equivalent to 25% of the cabinet — and 75 seats in the transitional legislative council, also representing a quarter of its total composition.
However, the army camp, led by Al-Burhan, has sought to revise these power-sharing ratios, triggering internal tensions, particularly with Justice and Equality Movement leader Jibril Ibrahim and Sudan Liberation Movement head Minni Arko Minnawi.
Minnawi and Ibrahim: how will Al-Burhan respond to their discontent?
Rifts over the Port Sudan government have spilt into the open. Minnawi accused factions of leaking meeting minutes and manipulating media coverage to conduct character assassinations.
He wrote on X: “Such cowardly behaviour has no place among rulers. Those who think they’ve crossed the river by burning the boats deceive themselves and mislead the people. This conduct compels us to air matters publicly that ought to remain private.”
In response, Al-Burhan dispatched deputy intelligence director Gen Hassan Al-Ballab and deputy security chief Lt-Gen Mohamed Abbas Al-Labib to Minnawi in protest, suggesting that the Sudan Liberation Movement leader was engaging in blackmail and threatening to dissolve the partnership.
Sources close to the Port Sudan camp said Al-Burhan recently tried to de-escalate tensions by contacting Jibril Ibrahim and informing him that his movement would retain only the ministry of finance in the upcoming government. Ibrahim rejected the offer, insisting on also holding the ministry of social welfare.
The same sources noted that while Minnawi might accept this arrangement, it could be part of Al-Burhan’s broader strategy to sow division between Minnawi and Jibril, especially amid reports that Sovereignty Council leaders have approached other signatories of the Juba Agreement to reconsider the 25% power-sharing formula, in a bid to pressure Jibril.
The Justice and Equality Movement has publicly reaffirmed its demand to keep the finance ministry, and rejected any talk of replacing its leader, Jibril Ibrahim, as confirmed by senior member Mohamed Zakaria.
Separately, reports indicate that Idris has backtracked on his plan to form a non-partisan, technocratic cabinet. He has promised ministers from the “Joint Forces” they would retain their posts, effectively losing authority to appoint or dismiss seven out of 22 ministers, severely limiting his executive power.
The army-led alliance, now riddled with discord between Islamist battalions and armed movements, faces escalating defections, with some factions reportedly reaching out to the Rapid Support Forces and hinting at abandoning Al-Burhan's coalition altogether.
This alliance, now seeking to entrench its dominance by marginalising Juba signatories, faces mounting challenges, including worsening ethnic abuses. Army units and Islamist militias have committed grave violations against non-Arab communities, deepening grievances and fuelling fears of a budding apartheid-like system that threatens Sudan’s fragile coexistence and could destabilise the broader region of Africa.
• Babacar Ndiaye is a journalist and analyst who specialises in geopolitics
For opinion and analysis consideration, email opinions@timeslive.co.za
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