'Private' abuse of women negates big strides made since 1956

Yesterday marked 58 years since women from all walks of life converged on the Union Buildings, incensed by a government decision to extend the pass system to black women.

Estimates of the crowd vary between 20000 and 50000. It was an unprecedented show of initiative, force and defiance by a section of society whose interests had rarely been taken seriously. That momentous event is rightly honoured as a national holiday.

Defiance is the operative word. The National Party had come to power in 1948 determined to enforce apartheid to the letter. That, in turn, radicalised black politics. The ANC adopted its militant "programme of action" a year later.

Then followed a long period of resistance and mobilisation that led to the Defiance Campaign of 1952, the adoption of the Freedom Charter in 1955, the Treason Trial, the breakaway of the Pan Africanist Congress from the ANC in 1959, the Sharpeville massacre in 1960, and the banning of the ANC and the PAC.

The National Party had reason to believe it had inflicted a crushing blow on the opposition. The economy took off and the lull allowed the Nats to implement their policy of grand apartheid.

The women's march was part of that political maelstrom. It was the first time that women, with extraordinary militancy, had taken up the cudgels for themselves; they didn't wait for men to lead or talk for them. That seemed to take everyone by surprise.

One writer described the event thus: "Many of the African women wore traditional dress; Indian women were clothed in white saris. Many women had babies on their backs and some domestic workers brought their white employers' children with them. Throughout the demonstration, the huge crowd displayed a discipline and dignity that was deeply impressive."

Prime minister JG Strijdom was conveniently not present to accept the women's petition. The minister of native affairs, Hendrik Verwoerd, who was to succeed Strijdom two years later, refused to accept a petition from a multiracial crowd. But the women had made their point.

The question is: Almost six decades since that ground-breaking event and after 20 years of democracy, has the struggle for gender equality lived up to the promise suggested on the manicured lawns of the Union Buildings that day? Have we changed traditional practices to enable women to be useful members of society? Or is Women's Month simply for show?

The attainment of gender equality has always played second fiddle to the greater cause of defeating apartheid. That was the excuse, anyway - it could wait, we said, we would deal with it once we had taken care of this monster.

Politically, the battle has now been won. The constitution outlaws all forms of discrimination. Issues affecting women, such as abortion rights, maternity leave, and so on, have largely been taken care of.

Women have made great strides in politics, holding key cabinet positions, and some lead political parties. There was an understandable outcry a few years ago when DA leader Helen Zille appointed an all-male provincial cabinet. The outcry was a sign of progress. Even President Jacob Zuma, a carefree and unabashed traditionalist, thinks the country is ready for a woman president.

Some smell a rat, though. It could be a self-serving ruse to promote the chances of Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, his ex-wife, who, once elected, could be expected to help to keep him out of jail.

Women such as public protector Thuli Madonsela and Reserve Bank governor Gill Marcus are playing a sterling role in the country's affairs.

South African women are also doing well internationally. Former deputy president Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka is head of UN Women, Judge Navi Pillay is UN high commissioner for human rights and Dlamini-Zuma chairs the African Union commission.

It is, however, in business where progress is disappointingly slow. Boardrooms remain painfully male and mostly pale. The old school tie still calls the shots. It is always difficult to legislate against prejudice in private endeavours.

The upward mobility of women in society happens in the public eye, and if it is stymied those responsible can be called to account.

The more difficult challenge is to stop or deal with misconduct that happens in private. South Africa has one of the highest rates of woman abuse in the world. An unacceptably high number of women are killed by those who purport to love them.

Preventing such abuse is more difficult than taking on racism. It is not out in the streets. The demon is closer to home: in your bed, in most cases. It's a lonely struggle fought at close quarters. Even apparently "enlightened" men will mouth liberal platitudes in public and then go home to abuse their spouses.

Unless - and until - we deal with this scourge, the silent monster in our midst, the dream of those courageous women on the steps of the Union Buildings will remain unfulfilled.