It'll be a cold day in hell

I recently had the pleasure of interacting with Sudanese business pioneer and philanthropist Mo Ibrahim, who has built one of Africa's most successful telecommunications companies, Celtel International.

Lately, he has become better known for his fixation with good governance and great leadership in Africa, and has established the Mo Ibrahim African Leadership prize, which recognises African heads of state who have improved democracy and the welfare of their people.

In our conversation Ibrahim was emphatic about the wasted potential of the African continent, and argued that we have more going for us than some well-developed countries, but have allowed corruption, bad governance and inertia to creep in.

This was not just directed at governments, but at corporate entities.

Governments and political parties cannot be corrupt on their own. Their cunning and duplicitous business partners are just as guilty.

In a previous interview, Ibrahim had told me he did not do business with anyone who asked him for a bribe, gift or kickback and, as a result, he was not asked for bribes.

He insisted that business people could make an infinite amount of money without paying bribes. And if they all took that stand, it would force the hand of the decision makers. It sounds idealistic, but it can be done.

This reminded me of the recent tongue-lashing BEE companies received from ANC secretary-general Gwede Mantashe.

He was right to say they had to deliver affordable, quality products and services if they wanted government contracts. Mantashe was correct to rebuke those who inflated costs and charged the state an arm and a leg in order to make exorbitant profits.

This is not unique to black business. There are many examples of fronting, price-fixing and other corrupt practices in established white companies too.

Businesses did not take Mantashe's scolding lying down. They said they were forced to recoup the costs of bribes and kickbacks, and were also expected to donate large sums to the political parties in charge of a province or municipalities in order to secure lucrative contracts. Failure to do so resulted in isolation.

I do not recall the ANC or any government official rebutting this damning accusation.

It does not help to bicker about who created an environment in which bribes are the norm or a prerequisite for getting ahead.

What matters is to change this culture. A continent so rich in minerals, talent and goodwill, which finds itself with massive inequality and poverty, calls for serious introspection.

Without trivialising the impact of colonialism and apartheid, business and political leaders must own part of the problem. Every day that they engage in corrupt and unethical behaviour prolongs the poverty and suffering of many. Prioritising their own comfort tightens the already-heavy yoke millions have to bear.

In the week that Malawians welcomed news that their president, Joyce Banda, had chosen to take a 30% salary cut to share in "the difficult times" of her people, our government thinks it is okay to give President Zuma R200-million of taxpayers' money. And his obsequious praise singers believe he is entitled to this, even if it allegedly flouts provisions of the dreaded ministerial handbook.

This same president who claims he cannot sleep at night when he thinks of the poverty of "his people", is now happy to receive millions for the revamp of his private property.

He is deaf to Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan's plea for South Africans to tighten their belts.

It is not only Zuma who is at fault, but the government which uses laws wrongly to justify profligate spending and to keep secrets from the public. It is utter nonsense that accounting for the cost of the revamp of his personal property would compromise Zuma's security.

But Ibrahim argues that even when a culture of bad governance exists, a leader can turn it around. Will Zuma? It will be a cold day in hell.