Remember the state capture report? Here's a reminder of its findings

The state capture report was finally released in 2022 after four years of evidence being led.

Then deputy chief justice, commission chair Raymond Zondo heard testimony from about 300 witnesses and had to peruse more than eight-million pages of documentation. The inquiry cost about R1bn.

Zondo presented the first part of his report to President Cyril Ramaphosa at the Union Buildings in Pretoria in January. The others followed in February, March, April and June.

The final instalment was expected at the end of April, but the Pretoria high court granted a six-week extension until June 15. This was also delayed, by a week, sparking debate among politicians and the public. 

The report implicated dozens of high-profile business people, companies, SOEs, politicians, cabinet ministers, Ramaphosa and former president Jacob Zuma.

Here's a short summary thereof:

PART 1

Part 1 looked at SAA and related companies, the Gupta-owned The New Age newspaper and Sars.

Zuma was implicated for the first time and featured prominently in reports that followed. 

Several high-profile Zuma allies, including former SAA board chairperson Dudu Myeni and ex-GCIS CEO Mzwanele Manyi, were named. 

Zuma and former Sars boss Tom Moyane were found to have played critical roles in collapsing the institution. Moyane was allegedly informed in advance of his appointment as its head.

Myeni and former SAA head of technical operations Yakhe Kwinana were found to have run the airline into the ground, in part through fear and intimidation. It found the lack of accountability and transparency at SAA and SAA Technical enabled state capture and corruption.

Manyi was accused of enabling state capture during his 18-month tenure as CEO at state communications entity GCIS. Under his leadership, The New Age allegedly received millions of rand in advertising and sponsorships from the government.

PART 2

Volume 2 dealt with evidence related to corruption allegations at Transnet and Denel.

The report implicated former public enterprises ministers Malusi Gigaba and Lynne Brown, as well as former Transnet group CEO Brian Molefe.

It found Gigaba lied about not knowing the Guptas, saying he had known the controversial family for years and used his position to appoint its allies in strategic positions at state-owned companies. 

It alleged Brown also lied when she denied knowing the Guptas, saying evidence before it proved she helped them loot Denel.

PART 3

Volume 3 was dedicated to corruption allegations at Bosasa, later renamed African Global Operations.

The company's executives were found to have used their connections with politicians to score lucrative government contracts for years.

Mineral resources and energy minister Gwede Mantashe, former minister of environmental affairs Nomvula Mokonyane and Zuma were among prominent figures implicated.

Former Bosasa COO Angelo Agrizzi alleged Mokonyane received annual Christmas groceries from the company. He also claimed to be responsible for setting up Zuma’s campaign for the national conference in Mangaung in 2012, the ANC’s national elections in 2014 and the local government elections in 2016. 

The report said Mantashe enjoyed security upgrades and renovations to his homes in Boksburg, Cala and Kowa in the Eastern Cape, all courtesy of Bosasa. Among report recommendations was that Mantashe be investigated in terms of the Prevention and Combating of Corrupt Activities Act, saying he was likely corrupt in his dealings with Bosasa during his tenure as the ANC secretary-general. 

PART 4

The fourth instalment dealt with, among other things, the capture of Eskom and the Free State’s controversial R1bn housing project.

Zuma, the Guptas and the ANC featured prominently in the report, with Zondo saying the ruling party should be ashamed of itself for allowing Zuma and the Gupta family to run amok.

It said Zuma would have done “anything that the Guptas wanted him to do for them”, including getting rid of competent ministers at the family's request.

Brown was again implicated, named as a key figure in enabling the capture of Eskom by the Gupta family.

It also called the Free State provincial government’s handling of the housing project a “dismal failure”.

The report said Zuma’s decision to replace Ngoako Ramatlhodi with Mosebenzi Zwane as mineral resources minister was probably influenced by the Guptas. It slammed Zwane as incompetent, brazen and a bad leader who tried to pressure banks to reopen Gupta accounts.

Among recommendations was for criminal charges to be instituted against members of the Gupta family and the removal of Zizi Kodwa as deputy state security minister.

The report also called on the government to seek legal advice on how to recover the R255m wasted on the Free State housing project.

PART 5

The final instalment dealt with the Vrede dairy farm project, politicians' relationships with the Guptas and capture at the State Security Agency (SSA).

It slammed ANC leaders for their roles in aiding state capture and said it was necessary to "interrogate the role of the party in actively engaging in corrupt activities for its own gain, allowing corrupt activities to continue under its watch and failing to intervene to prevent or arrest such activities, creating the framework for corruption and state capture to flourish".

Ramaphosa was also raked over the coals for looking the other way when signs of state capture became apparent. At the time he served as Zuma's deputy.

It also recommended the Hawks look at the possible reinstatement of an investigation into former spy chief Arthur Fraser and a fresh investigation into suspended ANC secretary-general and former Free State premier Ace Magashule and his ally, former Free State agriculture MEC Zwane, because of the dairy farm project.

Zondo also recommended possible prosecution of former communications minister Faith Muthambi and former SABC boss Hlaudi Motsoeneng for alleged corruption and financial mismanagement.

LIFE AFTER THE STATE CAPTURE REPORT

Ramaphosa addressed the nation in October on how the government would implement the recommendations.

These included several reforms to bring those guilty of state capture to book and ensure South Africa did not suffer a repeat thereof.

Among them was the establishment of a permanent and independent Public Procurement Anti-Corruption Agency.

A code of conduct setting out rules for procurement, the establishment of a professional body for public procurement officials, a process for the appointment of SOE boards that was not open to manipulation and a policy that no board member would be allowed to be part of procurement processes was also among reforms.